Official Report: Tuesday 12 November 2024

Mr Speaker: The usual rules apply.

Mr McGuigan: Over the past 10 years, an average of over 200 people a year have lost their life to suicide here. In my constituency of North Antrim, between 10 and 20 families are devastated and heartbroken in those circumstances every year. As we know, a disproportionately high number of suicides occur among young men. Unfortunately, that has recently been the case in North Antrim, with a number of families and friends trying to come to terms with the loss of a young son, brother or uncle.

November marks Men's Health Awareness Month, and I highlight two events organised by Dunloy Stronger Together, an organisation in the community and voluntary sector that does great work across all areas of community support. In particular, it creates a space for conversations to be had about achieving better mental health for citizens not just in Dunloy but across North Antrim and beyond.

The first event, which is being held tomorrow at 7.00 pm, is a conversation led by Zest that will focus on understanding suicide and bereavement. The event is open to everyone. The second event, which is on Friday 22 November at 7.00 pm, is a men's night to discuss men's mental health issues, with special guests Oisín McConville, Keith Gillespie and Joe Donnelly. Both events are free and will take place in Dunloy parish hall. Details can be found on Dunloy Stronger Together's Facebook page.

I commend those involved with Dunloy Stronger Together for their work and for hosting those two important events. I encourage people, wherever they may live, to attend them.

Mr Buckley: I associate myself with the congratulatory remarks to President Trump on securing a historic second term in office. Although I was convinced that President Trump would win the election, the scale by which he did so came as a shock. It was a decisive victory at the electoral college: some 312 votes, compared with Kamala Harris's 226. That represents a historic victory, in spite of a liberal media elite that attempted to deride his campaign and a worryingly corrupt legal system that attempted to have him removed from the campaign.

It is also a victory for everyday Americans, some 75 million of them, who chose not to be blindly led by celebrity endorsements but followed the convictions of their heart to elect President Trump for a historic second term.

History will record that, in his first term of office, President Trump showed a warm affection for the United Kingdom in spite of some very derogatory terms that were put his way by some senior politicians in the United Kingdom, so it is my hope that President Trump will continue in the vein of having a strong, warm relationship with the UK in his second term of office.

May I be the first in the Chamber to extend an open invitation to President Trump to come to Northern Ireland? Northern Ireland has a great history of interaction with US presidents, with no fewer than 20 of Ulster-Scots descent coming from this place. Whether they were Democratic Party presidents or Republican Party presidents, Northern Ireland had a special place in their heart, and I hope that this second term can continue in that vein.

Mr Speaker, I congratulate you on a fitting and dignified Armistice Day service yesterday in the Senate Chamber. For all Members to pause and to reflect on those who paid the supreme sacrifice is hugely befitting of this place. I congratulate you for that.

Also, I want to raise a worrying statistic that was revealed to me just yesterday, via a question for written answer to the Health Minister. In the past five years, 2,341 sexual assaults have happened in accident and emergency units and on the hospital estate across Northern Ireland. That is hugely concerning to us all. In the past five years, there have been 37 sexual assaults in the Western Trust and 1,482 in the Belfast Trust. The number has trebled. In the Northern Trust, there have been 255. In the Southern Trust, there were 333, and, in the South Eastern Trust, there were 234. There is huge concern —

Mr Speaker: The Member's time is up.

Mr Buckley: — and I hope that, in the near future, the Minister will explain the reasons for that trend.

Mr Speaker: I remind Members that, in Members' statements, one issue is supposed to be raised.

Ms Sheerin: A constituent of mine, Jacob Fullerton, is well known across the broader Magherafelt area. Jacob suffers from a condition called Kleefstra syndrome. He previously attended Kilronan School for special education and is now in transition to the Northern Regional College's Magherafelt campus. He has written to me and other Members in the past week or so to raise concerns that he has about some behaviour that is happening on the campus and the safety concerns that he has for himself and fellow students.

I have forwarded Jacob's correspondence to the Economy Minister, and I am raising his case in the Chamber to congratulate Jacob on the work that he is doing and to send him my very best wishes.

Ms Nicholl: A couple of weeks ago, I was sitting in my constituency office, and it was raining. It was just before recess, and a number of children came in to shelter from the rain. They must have been 13 or 14 years old, max. They spent about 20 minutes in my office, and then they left. There is a vape shop just around the corner. I noticed some of them going into it, so I went out and looked through the window and saw that those young people, who were 15 years old, maximum, buying vapes, which we know is illegal.

I am genuinely very concerned that that is happening. An Audit Office report from earlier this year highlighted that 9% of local 11- to 16-year-olds are vaping, with 6% doing so regularly, and that that is a marked increase since 2019. Some 24% of year 12 children vape. Cathy Mason brought an important motion to the Assembly, which referred to the role of education and information on the subject. A report from Asthma + Lung UK referred to the marketing and promotion of vaping to young children, but we have not talked enough about regulation and enforcement.

The police were very helpful. I rang them after I had gone in to tell the shopkeeper exactly what I thought of his practice of selling those products to children.

The Trading Standards Service should take a more active role in the issue. For the first time in Northern Ireland, in early November, Belfast City Council imposed a restricted sales order to prevent an individual from selling tobacco and nicotine-inhaling products following the sale of a nicotine-inhaling product to a child under 18. We need to see more of that and see councils and Trading Standards taking a more active role. After witnessing that happening right next to an MLA's office, I can only imagine how much it happens across Northern Ireland. This is something that I will pursue.

Ms Hunter: I rise to speak about an issue that matters greatly to my constituents, which is ending violence against women and girls. Over the past number of weeks, we have seen a disgusting increase in attacks on women, particularly in the north-west. Last week, in Guildhall Square, I stood shoulder to shoulder with some of my constituents and men, women and children from across the wider north-west area when we joined together at a rally to stand up against that disgusting behaviour. It was an emotional and thought-provoking moment. All speakers spoke of the power and importance of encouraging healthy relationships from a young age and of ensuring that we uplift and empower young men in our communities to be part of that conversation and to make the right decisions.

What can be done in our society to support young boys as they become men? To dig a little deeper on that important topic, I have been chatting to PhD researcher Nicole Devlin, who is based at Queen's University Belfast. Nicole conducted research in America on projects that can help to build up young men and help them to establish, early in their lives, healthy relationships with women. I thought that I would use my speech to give a platform to one answer that is out there for working with young boys that could be utilised in the North if it were funded correctly.

High levels of misogyny and violence towards women and girls in our society cannot continue. When Nicole was on her trip, she met Futures Without Violence and saw the Coaching Boys into Men programme. It is an incredible project that we could replicate here. In that programme, training is delivered by a male coach or teacher who is known to the student, so they are a trusted role model. That is what makes it so successful; young boys receive information from someone whom they trust, and they can open up and discuss sensitive issues in a safe and trusting environment. That programme is evidenced. It has had a worldwide impact. Studies show that it is highly effective. It is trauma-informed. It underpins how we understand young people and those who come from significant deprivation, dysfunctional family homes and communities with a lack of resources. Key investment in projects and programmes such as that is absolutely fundamental to tackling violence against women and girls. We have fantastic sports groups, such as the GAA, rugby clubs and football clubs, which do incredible work locally. We can tap into that.

The project not only addresses misogyny and disrespectful attitudes towards women and girls but discusses other issues that young people, particularly boys, face. Many boys come from homes without a strong father figure or male role model to guide them. It is so important that the Assembly, as an institution, stands up and ends violence against women and girls and replicates models and programmes that have been utilised in other countries to ensure that every woman and girl in the North of Ireland feels safe to walk the streets on which she was raised.

Mr Martin: I want to highlight the work of the Clandeboye Nature Rangers in my constituency and the Northern Ireland Forest School Association more generally. The Clandeboye Nature Rangers club was established in 2018. Just like any plant or tree, it started small, with 12 children attending the preschool. Over time, that seed propagated and steadily grew. Now, over 78 families use its facilities weekly. In summer 2024, there were 3,500 children on its programme. In the Clandeboye estate, children can take full advantage of the woodland and explore and investigate the natural environment. They can take part in activities such as arts and crafts using the natural resources around them and participate in den building, campfire cooking and tool making, all of which particularly appeal to me.

In addition, the rangers hold a variety of training and development opportunities for teachers, schools and the wider community to promote outdoor learning across Northern Ireland.

We all know that studies have shown that there are significant benefits in engaging in that sort of activity for physical and emotional health in children. The organisation does an amazing job in re-engaging children with nature.

In turn, forest schools in Northern Ireland also play a positive role in shaping a young person's experience of nature, helping them to cultivate imagination and develop creativity. My youngest son and I dug some clay out of our garden last week. We are in the process of fashioning it into a volcano, and we will then cook it in the oven. I suppose that that is the sort of creativity that I am talking about, although I am not completely sure that my wife agrees. The forest school programme works alongside nurseries, schools and universities across Northern Ireland, helping more than 5,000 students to learn about nature. Forest schools are not only changing the lives of young people; they have worked with over 500 teachers and classroom assistants, all of whom have now qualified as forest school leaders, equipping them with the skill to develop their own projects. I think that there are 13 forest schools in my constituency.

This morning, I am incredibly proud to speak in support of Clandeboye Nature Rangers and the work of the Northern Ireland Forest School Association in engaging young people with the amazing environment around them and the direct benefit that that delivers for them.

Mr Boylan: I take the opportunity to raise the issue of road safety, especially in the run-up to the festive season. As we all know, the nights are dropping in and weather conditions are changing, which, in turn, leads to challenging road conditions. As of 10 November, there had been 57 fatalities on our roads this year. Those deaths have lifelong impacts on families, friends and communities. I send my deepest condolences to the family of a young man who tragically lost his life on Sunday morning in west Tyrone.

This Sunday — 17 November — is World Day of Remembrance for Road Traffic Victims. It is a chance for us all to reflect and remember those who have tragically died on our roads and support their families, friends and communities. I commend the people who have long campaigned for road upgrades that improve road safety across these islands, particularly those who have campaigned for years for the upgrade of the A5, which is the most dangerous road on the island. They have played a vital role in ensuring that the A5 upgrade will go ahead. I welcome the recent announcement from the Infrastructure Minister about that project.

The message today to all road users is from the PSNI's key Fatal Five strategy: do not drink and drive; slow down; do not get careless; belt up; and stay off your phone. I urge all to adhere to that message. I ask all road users to respect the vehicle that they drive, respect the road that they drive on and respect all road users, be they drivers, cyclists or pedestrians.

Mr Brooks: Recently, we have had a number of remembrance-related motions, but, as the traditional period of remembrance draws to a close, I recognise and express our sincere gratitude to the Royal British Legion (RBL) poppy sellers, who serve as the heart and hands of remembrance. Their dedication, whether on rainy streets or in supermarkets or petrol stations or at organised events, keeps the memory of our veterans alive. Every poppy is a reminder of the sacrifices made by those who served, as well as a commitment to maintaining the support for those affected by their wounds from conflict through the donations received.

It is no small task to volunteer your time and energy, but the impact can be immeasurable. Poppy sales help to fund vital services, providing comfort and care to support veterans, their families and their communities. By doing so, we make sure that we do not just remember in passing but actively contribute to their well-being.

This year, we had a small glimpse of that work, as our East Belfast DUP constituency association undertook to man a stand at one of our local supermarkets last weekend. We did so for all of the reasons mentioned in remembrance of the fallen. It was also a way to remember one of our own number who sadly passed away earlier this year.

Aileen Graham BEM was a former Belfast city councillor and a proud UDR veteran. Anyone who knew Aileen will have known that one of her passions was the veterans community and that she volunteered as a poppy seller faithfully each year with members of her RBL branch. As we remembered our fallen servicemen and servicewomen this year, Aileen, too, was in our thoughts. Aileen's dedication was not unique, however. It is seen in many veterans and volunteers across Northern Ireland and the UK. To every poppy seller, we offer our heartfelt thanks. Thank you for being there, carrying the torch for this most universally British of traditions and reminding us all of the importance of remembrance of, and compassion towards, those who have served us.

Mr O'Toole: Climate change was discussed in the Chamber yesterday. COP29 is happening this week in Azerbaijan. We know that the international context for climate change is threatened, because, globally, we are missing our targets, though there is an extraordinary amount of desire to reach those among the public, particularly young people, including those in Northern Ireland, and societies in the developed and developing world that are already facing the impacts of climate change. In the past couple of weeks, we have seen tropical storms in southern parts of the United States. We have also seen huge devastation and loss of life in Spain, specifically Valencia. Climate change is here, and it is not only damaging property but uprooting people's lives and causing loss of life.

In Northern Ireland, we have been a laggard in dealing with climate change; that much is clear. We also have been complacent about biodiversity loss and ecological breakdown. Lough Neagh, the largest body of water in the UK and Ireland, is the most shocking example of that. Over the past couple of summers, people have seen the appalling breakdown at Lough Neagh in shocking and almost sci-fi terms.

Meeting our climate targets and recovering lost nature and biodiversity should be at the top of the Executive's agenda. It should also be our focus in the Assembly, but progress has been painfully slow. Although it is true that we passed the Climate Change Act (Northern Ireland) 2022, we are far behind on delivering on the Act's commitments. We are far behind the curve not just in meeting its targets for achieving decarbonisation and net zero by 2030 but in delivering the plans to get to those targets. For example, the Climate Change Act called for a set of carbon budgets, enabled by a climate action plan. We are a year overdue on both those things. We had an update from the Environment Minister yesterday, but a lot of what we got was about plans, discussions and the hint of something in the coming weeks that might be placed before the Executive.

I think that the Environment Minister is serious about that agenda and he wants to deliver on it, but we need more progress. We need the plans to be brought before the Executive to be agreed and then brought to the Assembly. Where there are difficult questions or challenges and people who need to be brought with us, be they consumers, those in the industry or those in agriculture, we need to be honest. We also need to establish a just transition, which is why I welcome yesterday's announcement on the establishment of the just transition commission, but we need to pick up the pace and start delivering.

Mr Gildernew: Tá seans go bhfeicfimid méadú ar líon na gcroiméal, na bhféasóg agus níos mó clúmh aghaidhe sa Tionól agus ar fud na sochaí an mhí seo, nó beidh cuid mhór daoine i mbun feachtais agus ag tiomsú airgid le haghaidh Movember. Gach Samhain, cuireann Movember dúshlán na bhfear croiméal a ligean orthu féin le haird a dhíriú ar cheisteanna tábhachtacha a bhaineann le sláinte na bhfear: an mheabhairshláinte, an féinmharú, ailse próstataigh, agus ailse magairlí. Tá níos mó i gceist le Movember ná airgead a thiomsú; spreagann sé na fir a bheith dáiríre faoina sláinte, agus spreagann sé an tsochaí an tacaíocht atá de dhíth ar na fir a thabhairt. Tá na ceisteanna sin tábhachtach agus róthábhachtach anseo sa Tuaisceart. Tá a sáith dúshlán meabhairshláinte os coinne na bhfear anseo; chuirfeadh an ráta féinmharaithe scanrú ar dhuine, go háirithe an ráta i measc na bhfear óg. De réir NISRA, tá an ráta féinmharaithe i dTuaisceart na hÉireann ar cheann de na rátaí is measa sna hoileáin seo. Tugtar aghaidh ar an fhadhb sin i rith Movember trí chomhrá oscailte ar an mheabhairshláinte a spreagadh, rud a chuidíonn leis an leisce a dhíbirt, leisce a chuireann bac ar na fir a bheith ag iarraidh cuidiú a fháil.

Agus ár sochaí ag cur Movember ar aghaidh, tá deis againn ár machnamh a dhéanamh ar an dóigh a bhféadann ár mbeartais cur le sláinte na bhfear ar fud an Tuaiscirt, ó bheith ag cur seirbhísí meabhairshláinte chun feabhais i gceantair thuaithe go rochtain is fearr ar scagthástálacha ailse a chur ar fáil. Cuirtear i gcuimhne dúinn i rith Movember nár chóir dúinn faillí a dhéanamh i sláinte na bhfear. Agus sinn ag iarraidh seirbhísí sláinte a fheabhsú, caithfimid tionscnaimh a fhorbairt le feasacht ar an mheabhairshláinte a ardú, leis an fhéinmharú a chosc, agus leis an leisce a bhaint de bheith ag caint ar fhadhbanna meabhairshláinte.

Ms Brownlee: I will talk about the critical importance of community transport. Last week, in my constituency, I met South Antrim Community Transport, and it was quite clear that it is more than just a transport service. It provides a lifeline to people in rural areas. Although it is based in South Antrim, it covers my constituency of East Antrim: the likes of Ballycarry, Islandmagee, Whitehead, Carnlough and many more places. South Antrim Community Transport provides affordable but accessible transport for people from the age of 16 upwards, thus ensuring that all members of our community can maintain their independence, access healthcare and engage in social activities. It is more than just a door-to-door service, as it improves collaboration, builds relationships and reduces social isolation.

The South Antrim Community Network is committed to serving elderly people, those with disabilities and those based in rural areas who, without regular public transport, cannot access vital services or get to vital appointments. Its services are provided mostly by volunteers, and it is critical that it increase its number of volunteers so that people are able to provide those services. Tomorrow, the organisation will be in Whitehead library from 10.30 am until noon. I will be there, and I hope that many more people will be able to attend. Transport is critical. The organisation is finding demand to be increasing, but it is struggling to get volunteers, so if anybody who is watching now is free tomorrow, I hope that they will be able to come to Whitehead to provide some support to that vital charity.

When speaking to the people involved, I was taken aback not only by what they provide but by what they have achieved in the area. They are reducing social isolation and building friendships, and their service is much more than just a transport service. The service's funding continues to be cut, yet demand continues to increase, and I hope that we can all come together to support the service.

Mr Gaston: Yesterday, we remembered the sacrifice for freedom in two world wars and the many who, in spite of the absence of conscription, served with distinction on the battlefields of Europe, Africa and Asia. We remembered the fact that the rights to freedom of speech, to free elections and to freedom of religion had to be earned by the blood, sweat and tears of a former generation. In 2024, we particularly remember the events of 1944, which was a pivotal year in world history. We remember the invasion on D-Day, the bravery of the men involved in the ultimately disastrous Operation Market Garden and the revelation of the true horror of the Holocaust as the Nazi death camps were revealed: the starkest evidence that the Allies were correct to take the fight to the evil Nazi regime.

Sadly, for many, Remembrance Day also reminds them of more recent events, and there is perhaps nowhere where that is more common than in Northern Ireland.

Many have commented favourably on the acts of the First Minister in recent days. Some have even suggested that she deserves praise. However, I recall the events of 8 November 1987 and the memorable, chilling words of one Fermanagh man who had a microphone thrust in front of him and was asked for comment:

Until such times as the First Minister and her party can tell what they know about the events that filled 12 graves in Fermanagh — the day that shattered so many others right across Northern Ireland — I will treat their attendance at remembrance events with the contempt that it deserves.

Yesterday, as well as thinking of two world wars, it was appropriate that we remember Dermot Hurley and Walter Moore, two RUC officers, one of them a fluent Irish speaker, who were murdered by the IRA on 11 November 1971. I think of Winston Churchill McCaughey, an off-duty UDR soldier shot by the IRA beside his car outside his home in Kilrea, leaving his eight-year-old son to seek help from a passing motorist on Remembrance Day 1976. I recall Patrick Shields, a Catholic father of 10, murdered in an IRA bombing on 11 November 1977, because it decided to bomb the offices of a newspaper that had been critical of the IRA. I remember Owen McQuade, a soldier shot outside Altnagelvin Hospital while waiting for a colleague whose wife was in the maternity ward on Remembrance Day in 1980. I think of Cecil Graham, who died on 11 November 1981, two days after the IRA shot him as he visited his wife and five-week-old baby. There was always an alternative —

Mr Speaker: The Member's time is up.

Mr Gaston: — to the murders of those men and all who perished at the hands of the IRA.

Mr Carroll: I want to disassociate myself from all the positive platitudes that have been meted out to Donald Trump on his re-election to the White House. Trump is a racist, sexist bigot who gives a damn only about himself and the American ruling class. Ministers in this Building should not operate a cosy, business-as-usual approach to Donald Trump for those reasons and more. Recent concerns about tariff wars really show how it is counterproductive, futile and damaging to have a whole economy, North and South, based on and catering for US corporations and the mega-rich. We need a new economic strategy that breaks with Trump and all the policies that he espouses. Walls need to be torn down, and the rich need to pay their way. I hope that working-class people in America of all backgrounds can begin to fight that Administration.

The other obvious observation about the US election is the complete and utter collapse of the Democratic Party and its vote. It lost tens of millions of votes in the election. People stayed away, and I believe that they did so for a number of reasons. First of all, Harris and Biden were unconditional supporters of Israel and its genocidal war in Gaza. Harris was also a continuity candidate who had nothing meaningful to offer tens of millions of people in America. Inflation and debt are riding roughshod over communities in America. The Democrats and Republicans are completely immune from all the pressures that are spiking food and fuel prices. The liberal centre had nothing to offer people bar, "We are not Trump".

There is an important lesson in that for anyone who wants to fight the far right, racism and so on. Run-of-the-mill politics that maintain the strength of the rich and capital do not cut it. We need a new type of politics across the world that is based on international solidarity, working-class independent action and liberation movements from below so that we can push back against that Administration.

Mr Speaker: I have received notice from the First Minister and deputy First Minister that they wish to make a statement.

Mrs O'Neill (The First Minister): In compliance with section 52C of the Northern Ireland Act 1998, I wish to update the House on the thirteenth institutional meeting and twenty-eighth plenary meeting of the North/South Ministerial Council (NSMC). The meetings were held in Dublin Castle on 13 September 2024, and the deputy First Minister and I have agreed that I will provide the reports.

The first element of the statement relates to the institutional meeting, at which the deputy First Minister and I represented the Executive. The Tánaiste and the Minister for Foreign Affairs, Micheál Martin TD, represented the Irish Government, and the meeting was chaired by the Tánaiste.

The institutional meeting began with an update from the joint secretaries during which we noted that meetings had been held in all 12 of the NSMC sectors since April this year. The Council welcomed the fact that the challenges of climate change and biodiversity loss had been discussed at all meetings and looked forward to a further update at a plenary meeting later that day.

The NSMC welcomed the fact that outstanding corporate governance decisions for the North/South bodies were being taken and noted that work is under way to finalise the 2025 business plans and budgets. Plans to mark the twenty-fifth year since the establishment of the NSMC and the North/South implementation bodies later in the year were also noted.

The next item on the institutional agenda was disaster risk reduction and emergency planning. During that item, Professor Caroline McMullan of Dublin City University gave a presentation on public safety messaging in border communities. The NSMC noted the civil contingency and resilience arrangements in place, including those relating to cross-border health emergency planning and response. The regular and ongoing collaboration between officials in both jurisdictions on civil contingencies, resilience and preparedness was welcomed. Ministers also welcomed the all-island disaster risk reduction conference series, which is organised by the Irish Government, and noted that it had provided an opportunity to encourage networking, promote dialogue, commission research and deepen cooperation on strategic emergency management matters.

The Council then considered developments in the wider policy environment. The NSMC reaffirmed its support for the PEACE PLUS programme and welcomed the contribution of the programme to promoting peace, reconciliation and prosperity. The British Government's association to the Horizon Europe research programme, which represents an opportunity to advance research, investment and collaboration across the two jurisdictions, was also welcomed.

Ministers acknowledged that student mobility is mutually beneficial to both jurisdictions and invited stakeholders to continue to explore options for students. Government funding that enables Northern Ireland students to avail themselves of the ERASMUS+ programme was also welcomed.

The Council noted that a general election in Britain and elections to the European Parliament had taken place earlier in 2024 and that cooperation on a North/South basis will continue in the context of the evolving nature of EU-UK relations. The position will be monitored in both jurisdictions, and the NSMC will be apprised of relevant developments.

The Council then discussed a number of matters relating to the North/South bodies. It was noted that the Finance Departments have developed a framework that will allow some flexibility while preserving the use of the funding ratios as the primary funding mechanism for the North/South bodies. The NSMC also noted that the CEO posts of the North/South bodies were last reviewed in 2004 and that the joint secretaries will explore with Finance Departments whether a further review is necessary. Ministers also noted that two amendments to the North/South pension scheme are being developed, and those will be brought to the NSMC for approval when the necessary processes are complete. The NSMC then appointed two members to the board of Foras na Gaeilge and agreed that appointments will be made to fill the remaining vacancies on that board and on the boards of other North/South implementation bodies at future meetings.

At the close of the meeting, the Council agreed to meet again in institutional format in 2025. That concludes the element of the statement that relates to the NSMC institutional meeting.

I will now update the House on the NSMC plenary meeting, which was also held on 13 September. At the plenary meeting, the deputy First Minister and I led the Executive delegation, and the Taoiseach led the Irish Government delegation. The meeting was chaired by the Taoiseach.

At the outset of the meeting, the Council extended its congratulations to the athletes from both jurisdictions who had participated in the Paris 2024 Olympic and Paralympic Games. The skills, commitment and dedication of those athletes, who were competing at the highest level, was recognised.

The Council then had a substantive discussion on business- and trade-related matters. Promoting economic growth in a sustainable and balanced way is a priority for both Administrations, which are committed to supporting businesses and growing trade. Ministers went on to discuss their own plans on how to achieve that. The Council noted that, where appropriate, the NSMC sectors will continue to consider how agreed collaborative approaches will contribute to the promotion of economic growth.

Ministers then considered a report from the joint secretaries on the activity that had taken place since the last plenary meeting in April. It was noted that Ministers had met across 12 NSMC work sectors and that institutional meetings had also taken place. Ministers welcomed the engagement between both Administrations on a wide range of policy matters across all of the NSMC areas of cooperation and noted that the NSMC will be updated on progress at future meetings. The NSMC also welcomed the fact that work programmes had been updated to reflect the emerging policy priorities and noted that Ministers had discussed climate change and loss of biodiversity at all meetings. The positive engagement on those shared challenges was welcomed.

The next item on the agenda related to the various New Decade, New Approach commitments with a cross-border dimension.

The Council noted that the A5 western transport corridor scheme had been discussed at its transport sectoral meeting on 27 June and that the Minister for Infrastructure will submit further papers for Executive approval of the progression of the A5 project. Ministers welcomed the fact that site works for the Narrow Water bridge project began in May 2024 and that the commencement of construction was marked in June 2024 at an event attended by Ministers from both jurisdictions.

Ministers welcomed the fact that phase 2, Clones to Clonfad, of the Ulster canal restoration project had been completed and was officially opened at an event attended by Ministers from both jurisdictions in June 2024. It was noted that a strategy for the completion of phase 3, as a whole, will be finalised by the end of 2024.

The NSMC welcomed the final report and associated environmental assessments of the all-island strategic rail review, which were published by Minister O'Dowd and Minister Ryan in Dundalk on 31 July. Both jurisdictions will continue to work collaboratively to explore the review's recommendations.

On higher education in the north-west, it was noted that pre-application planning consultation has commenced on the construction of the new teaching and student services building at Ulster University's Magee campus. Funding commitments from the Department for the Economy for this financial year were also noted. The Council also noted that two research partnerships have been supported under the co-centre programme and that successful recipients of the Shared Island bioeconomy demonstration initiative funding call will be announced in autumn 2024.

The NSMC agreed that commitments under New Decade, New Approach should remain on the agenda of relevant meetings and that further updates will be provided to future NSMC plenary meetings.

Ministers had a good discussion on the topics of climate change and the loss of biodiversity. Those topics had been considered across all the NSMC sectors, and the cooperation that is under way across both jurisdictions to address those shared challenges was welcomed. The NSMC agreed that the relevant sectors should maintain a focus on those topics at future meetings. The Council specifically welcomed the focus of the Co-Centre for Climate + Biodiversity + Water on science to support fairer transitions to net zero, reversing biodiversity loss and restoring water quality for a sustainable economy. Ministers noted that the co-centre supports the coordinated science efforts in the Executive's Lough Neagh action plan.

The Council discussed mother-and-baby institutions, Magdalene laundries and workhouses. The NSMC noted the important progress that is being made by the Executive on mother-and-baby institutions and Magdalene laundries and the Irish Government's implementation of the action plan for survivors and former residents of mother-and-baby institutions and county home institutions. In light of the cross-border nature of those institutions, officials from both Administrations will continue to work closely on issues of commonality.

At the end of its meeting, the NSMC approved a schedule of future sectoral meetings, a meeting in institutional format and the next plenary meeting in spring 2025. That concludes the report on the NSMC plenary meeting.

Mr O'Toole: Thank you, First Minister, for the update. The October monitoring round, which was published yesterday by the Finance Minister, includes two reduced requirements relating to matters that were discussed at the NSMC plenary meeting. One is the graduate entry medical school at Magee. The other is the A5 transport corridor, which specifically relates to money given by the Irish Government. That money is now being handed back to the centre because it has not been spent in this financial year. There may be reasonable explanations for that, but are there any live discussions about better communication, North and South, on shared priorities and whether multi-year funding can be agreed on, including Shared Island funding?

Mrs O'Neill: I think that the Finance Minister was just setting out a factual position and, of course, it does not detract or take away, in any shape or fashion, from those projects going ahead. It is just a matter of profiling. Certainly, at the NSMC, we stressed the importance of communication As an Executive, we want to get to the point where we have a multi-year Budget situation. That should, in turn, allow us to invest in a multi-year way. We obviously have financial rules around how we fund the NSMC bodies and institutions, but I would like to get to a point where we have a multi-year Budget approach in our public services and in our approach to the NSMC bodies.

Ms Bradshaw (The Chairperson of the Committee for The Executive Office): I thank the First Minister and deputy First Minister for the read-out of the two meetings. It seems that you covered a lot of ground, which is to be welcomed.

I will focus on the discussion around the mother-and-baby institutions and working closely on common issues. The Committee remains concerned about the sharing of information, especially if the religious order is based in Dublin. Did that come up as an issue that the NSMC is going to explore?

Mrs O'Neill: Yes. We have raised that issue on a number of occasions, and we took the opportunity to raise it again because of our commonality, particularly as that jurisdiction has come through inquiries and we need to learn lessons about what worked and what did not work, so that we are best informed in supporting people with the horrible, shameful experience of being in Magdalene laundries and workhouses and mother-and-baby institutions. Ministers agreed, as has been agreed at official level, that, as we advance our plans, we will continue to engage to make sure that we learn those lessons. In particular, we need to work closely on investigative records and memorialisation and on social security benefits, which the Member has previously raised, to ensure that no one is disproportionately impacted on because of compensation that they might receive. We will continue to raise those issues at that level, and I assure the Member that, at official level, work is ongoing.

Ms Ennis: I thank the First Minister for her statement. The NSMC communiqué noted the commencement of works at Narrow Water bridge in May 2024. Those of us who are local to Warrenpoint know the pace at which those works seem to be progressing. Is the First Minister in a position to give a progress update on the delivery of Narrow Water bridge?

Mrs O'Neill: That is, obviously, another strategic project for us, and there is no doubt that it will create and facilitate greater connectivity and mobility. It will also be a great boost to the local economy, which we all very much welcome. The Irish Government are meeting the construction costs via the Shared Island Fund. They are also working closely with the Department for Infrastructure and with Newry, Mourne and Down Council on what is very much a shared project.

After all the years of campaigning, is it not great to see the work happening on the ground? All Ministers were pleased to discuss the progress on it. It is great news that, with the project now progressing on schedule, it is expected to be completed by late 2027, with the bridge handover and opening expected in 2028. We all look forward to that after many years of campaigning to get to this point.

Mr Kingston: Emergency planning is vital, and additional complexity is created when we discuss border communities. What work is being undertaken to ensure that border communities are prepared for all eventualities?

Mrs O'Neill: It is just good common sense for us to cooperate in that area, particularly on emergency planning and given our experience of coming through COVID and what that meant for people who lived in border counties. In the first part of the meeting, we received a presentation about planning and how people receive messages, particularly in times of disaster, which will really helpfully inform how we might communicate with people in border communities.

We had a conversation about officials in the civil contingencies division working with our Southern counterparts working on emergency planning. In the meeting, we reflected on how, when it came to the tragedy and the terrible events in Creeslough, our emergency services were able to assist in what was very much a joined-up effort to respond to a horrible situation. At times like that, when we need to work together, we need the strongest possible protocols, so I welcome the conversation that we had about advancing that work.

Miss Brogan: Gabhaim buiochas leis an Chéad-Aire.

I thank the First Minister for her statement. Given the developments since the previous NSMC meeting in September, with the announcement of the A5 road upgrade, does the First Minister agree not only that the upgrade will make the road safer and promote economic opportunities for the north-west but that it is a good example of what we can achieve by working together on an all-Ireland basis?

Mrs O'Neill: That is another huge strategic priority for us all. The delivery of the A5 is very much a joined-up effort. I am pleased that, since the meeting, our Infrastructure Minister has been able to announce that he intends to proceed with the construction of the first stretch of the A5 early next year. That is a huge step in the right direction. It is an Executive flagship project, and the Member will know only too well the tragedy of that road. It is a road safety issue and is, ultimately, about saving lives, but it is also about the economic benefit that comes with the construction of the road in improving regional balance, creating jobs, growing the economy and improving journey times for daily users of the route.

Mr Buckley: Under business and trade matters at the plenary meeting, was there any discussion surrounding the chief executive of Invest NI's comments that there is no evidence that dual market access had attracted any foreign direct investment? Do those comments, coupled with the continued barriers to trade east-west, confirm that dual market access does not actually exist and bust the myth that it does?

Mrs O'Neill: We have new leadership in the Economy Department, and that Minister will want to work to all our strengths. We have a unique selling point: it is a selling point that we repeat when we go out to drum up trade and investment. We have unique market access. We have access to two of the biggest markets. Our job as political leaders in the Assembly is to maximise the opportunities to create more jobs and investment and do everything that we can to drum up things that will benefit the people we collectively represent.

Ms Nicholl: I thank the First Minister for her statement. What work is being done to promote opportunities via the ERASMUS+ programme? Can you offer clarity on whether it will be available to Northern Ireland participants?

Mrs O'Neill: Yes. We have made progress on that, because there was some fear that we would not have a chance to be part of the programme. It comes under the remit of the work of the two Economy Ministers. Perhaps I can provide you with a bit more information on that. We talked about student movement across the island, which is important. There are barriers to student mobility. The two Ministers will continue to work collectively on that, because we all have something to gain from keeping all our students on the island, whether they choose to study in Belfast, Dublin, Cork or Galway. It is important that we maximise the opportunities and keep our home-grown talent on the island. I will reflect, and, if there is any more additional information on ERASMUS+, I will provide the Member with it.

Mrs Dillon: I thank the Minister for her statement. Minister, I know that you are well aware of the hurt, pain and loss experienced by so many women and girls who were in mother-and-baby institutions, Magdalene laundries and workhouses and their children. Can you give us detail of any conversations about both Governments working together to deliver truth and justice, which is so important, particularly given that we know that women and girls and their babies were moved across the jurisdictions in what was human trafficking?

Mrs O'Neill: I agree with the Member. There is no doubt that there is a clear and distinct all-island dimension to mother-and-baby institutions, Magdalene laundries and workhouses. We should do everything we can to cooperate and learn from each other. The historical ill-treatment of and discrimination against women and girls is a source of shame across the island. We need to do everything we can to ensure that we are joined up, working together and doing everything we can to provide access to the truth for the many women who were impacted. We will continue to keep it on the agenda of the North/South Ministerial Council meetings in institutional and plenary format. I assure you that we will continue to reflect on all the issues that I mentioned to the Chair of the TEO Committee — investigative records, access to records, the impact of social security benefits, memorialisation — and learn from things that have not worked to make sure that we do better.

Mr Harvey: First Minister, point nine of the chapter on disaster risk reduction and emergency planning mentions a series of conferences. Have any of those conferences taken place? If they have, how do they look?

Mrs O'Neill: That was an important area of work. The Irish Government continue to deliver a series of conferences on disaster risk reduction. The concept is that they provide practitioners with an opportunity to network to discuss and share best practice, encourage dialogue, share lessons and deepen cooperation to make sure that there are strong partnerships so that, as and when we need to come together, we are able to.

Last Friday, the Irish Government hosted a conference that the permanent secretary of our Department attended along with others. It is important that we continue to learn and share lessons and share information and planning to make sure that we are ready to respond in the event that, God forbid, we find ourselves in an emergency situation.

Ms Sheerin: Minister, in your statement, you referred to the commitment to the PEACE PLUS programme, which, we know, has brought an awful lot of investment, particularly to our constituency. Will you give an update on that?

Mrs O'Neill: We mentioned and focused on the PEACE PLUS programme and welcomed its contribution to peace, prosperity and reconciliation. We know that the implementation of PEACE PLUS is well under way, and the majority of the 22 investment areas have opened for applications. We had some positive, game-changer announcements last week that will make a huge difference. Just look at everything that we will have to drive jobs and growth, stimulate development and regeneration and boost access to services in education. We have a commitment to 25 projects so far, covering youth mental health, shared education, local community peace action plans, victims and survivors and the enhancement of cross-border cooperation. There is so much. We need to continue to build on that. I really look forward to that investment being felt strongly in communities across the island.

Mr Gaston: First Minister, following on from the earlier question from the Chairperson of the Executive Office Committee, has there been any discussion about addressing the needs of those who have been missed by the scope of the historical institutional abuse inquiry, including those who suffered at the hands of clerics who operated on both sides of the border?

Mrs O'Neill: That was not discussed directly at the NSMC, but we are looking at the issue of clerical child abuse. We have research on that area under way, because we committed to doing that some time ago. I am committed to making sure that we bring that forward as quickly as we can and get it right.

Mr Speaker: I call Cara Hunter.

Ms Hunter: I do not have a question.

Dr Aiken: I thank the First Minister and the deputy First Minister for their commitment to the North/South ministerial process.

On Horizon Europe research and the need to get more R&D funding for Northern Ireland and the island as a whole, were there any discussions about greater cooperation among the universities in Dublin, Belfast and those in the Golden Triangle, which include my old alma mater, the University of Cambridge, the University of Oxford and, of course, Imperial College London?

Mrs O'Neill: One of our unique points is that we want strong connectedness across our island and between our islands. It is the same when it comes to trade and our universities. We need to have collaboration, and we will all benefit from that.

At the meeting, we welcomed the opportunities that are available because of the association with Horizon Europe. That will bring many benefits. We are keen to boost participation and seize the opportunities that are available through the programme. It is an area that both Economy Ministers on the island will continue to work on.

Mr Mathison: We see that there were two further appointments to Foras na Gaeilge, but many vacancies remain. Will the First Minister outline the precise timescale for filling all the vacancies on the boards of North/South bodies?

Mrs O'Neill: As you said, we were able to make two appointments. We are going through a process that involves all Executive parties that have the ability to nominate. I hope that we can get that done in the immediate future so that we can get those bodies properly populated to get on with doing their work, particularly now that they have been refreshed and everything is up and running again. With the election in the South, there will be some delay in some of the North/South bodies, but it is important that we get back to that as quickly as possible and do our work by making nominations.

Ms McLaughlin: Thank you, Minister, for your statement. Will you provide specific details on the discussions in and around business and trade, particularly those on the promotion of balanced regional growth? Was the north-west cross-border city region featured in that balanced growth discussion?

Mrs O'Neill: The plenary discussed a wide range of the business and trade opportunities facing the island and the value of continuing to share our knowledge, experience and best practice. I touched earlier on the conversations on universities and student mobility. We talked, in particular, about the north-west, regional balance and our plans around that. We talked about higher education in the north-west, because there have been some really good advancements there, and we want to continue to build on them. The volume of work that is being done between our Economy Ministers on promoting the island as a whole as a great place to invest is something that we should welcome.

We talked about Magee, education in the north-west and the school of medicine. We talked about all the things that we believe are vital to ensuring that everybody sees their fair share of prosperity and that that prosperity is spread across the region.

Mr Speaker: That concludes questions to the First Minister on the statement. I remind Members that those who are in late for a statement will be called later and that those who are not present for a statement will not be called at all. Members who rise in their place but were not in for the statement will not be called.

Members should take their ease while we change the top Table.

Ms Bradshaw (The Chairperson of the Committee for The Executive Office): I beg to move

Mr Deputy Speaker (Dr Aiken): The Business Committee has agreed to allow up to one hour and 30 minutes for the debate. The proposer of the motion will have 10 minutes in which to propose and 10 minutes in which to make a winding-up speech. All other Members who are called to speak will have five minutes.

Ms Bradshaw: At the beginning of August, the Assembly was recalled to condemn the incidents of racism that had occurred over the summer. The motion is not about repeating those words of condemnation, as much as that may be warranted, but about seeking to understand what happened and showing urgency to do something about it.

From the evidence that the Committee has heard, it has become clear that racist intimidation had been happening before the summer and has continued since. Racist violence is not simply an isolated, seasonal series of events but endemic in our communities. Unfortunately, PSNI records show that the trend is worsening, not improving.

On 18 September, the Committee heard harrowing evidence from stakeholder organisations of racism and Islamophobia. We heard about attacks on their businesses; criminal damage to their places of worship and places of support; violence and intimidation against them; their fear for their children's safety; and their feeling of helplessness because such acts were not stopped by the authorities. The Committee also heard that that is nothing new. Over time, it has been part of a pattern of ongoing racism and xenophobia, damage to property, everyday microaggressions against people who are different and experiences of institutional racism.

On 2 October, the Committee heard from the Department and the police about how they had responded to the events of the summer and how they were tackling ongoing issues. Committee members put questions to them based on what we had heard from the stakeholders, including evidence of paramilitary involvement in racist attacks, police officers standing idly by while minority-owned businesses were attacked and police advising victims to engage with community representatives who are known to be involved with paramilitary organisations. It was also noted how ludicrous it was that authorities argued over whose responsibility it was to remove racist posters rather than getting on with removing them.

There remain many unanswered questions. What factors led to the circumstances in which so many people assembled to attack our most vulnerable communities? Who were the people carrying out the attacks? Who organised them? Why were the authorities so unprepared? Why was the violence allowed to go on for so long? Why were so many properties allowed to be damaged or destroyed?

On 11 September, the Committee considered correspondence from the Commissioner Designate for Victims of Crime. I also met her separately, on 9 October, to discuss her proposal for the Executive Office to carry out a rapid review of the racist incidents in the summer. The Committee agreed to support her call for such a review. That review is necessary because we need to get to grips with the reasons why those things happened and are still happening; understand who was involved and why; find out how prepared the authorities were, how they responded and what impact they had; and make sure that we create the conditions that mean that they will not happen again. The Executive Office needs to carry out the review because of the multidimensional, cross-cutting nature of the issues and potential solutions. Some of the solutions may mean changes in legislation. The Committee on the Elimination of Racial Discrimination (CERD) recently observed that we need a clearer definition of racial discrimination and a particular statutory offence of hate crime in Northern Ireland. I also met the Committee on the Administration of Justice (CAJ), which raised similar issues.

As part of its inquiry into gaps in equality legislation, the Committee for the Executive Office can look at some of the potential changes to the law. However, that goes beyond just adjusting statutory protections for minority ethnic communities. A review can look at the issues in the round. The tragedy is that valued members of our community who contribute to our economy, provide essential services and enrich the cultural diversity of our society have been left to feel that they do not belong. On the contrary, the Committee broadly and consistently restated the view that we are privileged that people from diverse backgrounds have chosen to make this place their home. We can do something about the issue. A concerted, targeted, rapid review of the events of the summer can go some way towards making people who were targets of hostility feel that they belong. The Committee calls for that to happen without delay.

I will now make a few brief remarks in my capacity as a South Belfast MLA. It has long been my party's view — in fact, we have stated this publicly on many occasions, including in the week before the racist attacks in early August — that progress on renewing the race relations order and publishing the racial equality strategy and the refugee integration strategy has not proceeded as quickly as it should. Tied to that is the reality that racism and sectarianism are, ultimately, two sides of the same coin. It is being increasingly recognised internationally that they are ultimately the same thing. Where you have an us-and-them, you will always end up with sectarianism and racism. We have to get far more serious about challenging sectarianism, overcoming division, genuinely reconciling and ending paramilitarism. Those are the core principles of our proposal for an additional peace-building mission in and underpinning the Programme for Government.

While we should not be prejudicial about what a comprehensive review of the ongoing racist attacks, including those of late July and early August, might determine, we know that the PSNI identified paramilitary influence. The Executive Office has a tendency to put what it does into different silos, but, fundamentally, the evidence is clear: ending paramilitarism, promoting good relations and delivering racial equality are, ultimately, in the same silo.

In closing, the motion calls for a rapid review. We are now four months on from the worst weekend of the summer, and we should agree the motion and get on with the work.

Ms Sheerin: I am not happy about the reasons for the motion but I am glad to speak in a very important debate. As I have said before in the Chamber, racism is another issue that we will never deal with and eradicate unless we talk about it and identify its root causes. I commend the proposer of the motion for bringing it to the House. It is a conversation that we absolutely need to have.

We know that none of us is born with hate in our heart and that nobody is born racist, sectarian, misogynistic or any of the other discriminatory mindsets that prevail throughout society and harm others. We know that those attitudes are fostered, learned behaviours and that they ultimately manifest themselves in the most ugly examples of violence, bullying, intimidation and aggression towards the most vulnerable, which we saw during the summer. Therefore, it is right that we have a frank and open conversation about that, address the causes and work together to eradicate them. To that end, I recognise the good work that began with the scoping exercise in September, with those involved with the minority ethnic community and the cross-departmental working group that needs to listen to the experiences of those who are victims of that violence and take on board the learning from that.

We can see, across the world — we have seen it, very clearly, in recent days — what happens when the working classes are pitted against each other and when scaremongering and misinformation wins out. We know that the enemy of the working classes does not arrive by dinghy: it arrives by private jet. There is a responsibility and an onus on us, who have a mandate in the House, to call that out and to speak to those who are falling victim to misinformation and blaming other people who are in worse-off positions than they are for the situation that they are in.

We must address racism at its core. It all comes from the same supremacist mindset: some parts of a community are better than another just because of the colour of your skin or the religion that you practise or whether you practise at all. We have to call that out.

I commend the motion to the House and hope that this starts a period of intensive engagement so that we do not see the same, disgusting scenes next summer as those we saw this year.

Mr Kingston: The motion has been brought to the Assembly by the Committee for the Executive Office, through its Chair. I rise, as a DUP member of the Committee, along with my colleague Harry Harvey, in support of the motion.

The racially motivated attacks witnessed over the summer were shocking, unacceptable and unjustifiable. We support the proposal for a comprehensive and rapid review of how and why it transpired. The proposal for a review, as has been mentioned, was raised with the Committee by the Commissioner Designate for Victims of Crime.

The Democratic Unionist Party is committed to building a safe and inclusive society in Northern Ireland. No one should have to live in fear because of where they were born, the colour of their skin or their religious beliefs. The targeting of homes, businesses and places of worship is and always has been absolutely wrong. In this matter, the focus is, rightly, on the actions of a minority who spread misinformation, anonymously called for protests and orchestrated violence and wanton destruction. However, let us not lose sight of the fact that the vast majority of people in Northern Ireland do value and appreciate the positive role that members of newcomer communities play in our society, in our public services, including health, and in a host of vital sectors in our economy, including manufacturing, IT services, agri-food and the fishing industry. I thank them for their contribution.

Northern Ireland is becoming more ethnically diverse. We can see that, statistically, in the census figures and in our workplaces, our schools, local communities and on our streets. In some areas, the rate of change has been challenging for some people. The scale and nature of immigration into any country is a legitimate topic of political and public debate. However, without question, some people with a racist agenda have exploited other people's concerns, and we saw the tragic and destructive outworking of that this summer. Those who come to Northern Ireland ought to be welcomed and supported. Many voluntary groups assist with that, but so, also, should the full apparatus of government.

It is equally important that the needs of people who have lived in an area for generations should continue to be met. Ensuring that that balance is struck is key to ensuring that there is community cohesion and good relations. As we said during the recall debate on those disturbances on 8 August, the DUP wants to see meaningful dialogue with affected communities. Violence is never justified; nor should it be an excuse for public bodies and politicians to ignore concerns that are legitimately expressed.

Any review led by TEO must meaningfully explore community relations in areas where there is, currently, significant ethnic diversity or, indeed, where demographics are projected to change. That includes issues of access to housing and public services.

We need to be able to identify areas where tensions exist at an earlier stage as part of existing tension-monitoring processes.

Acts of hate crime must have consequences for those who are responsible for them. However, just strengthening hate crime laws will not resolve all the challenges that we face where tensions have arisen due to increasing ethnic diversity. Let us remember that race is already a protected characteristic under hate crime legislation. Of course, the PSNI and the courts must have adequate powers to crack down on racially motivated crime, but that alone will not be the silver bullet for the challenges that we face.

Elected representatives have a responsibility to promote tolerance, good relations and the rule of law, but not just to preach from afar. We have a responsibility to engage with local communities and to work with them and with statutory and voluntary agencies to address local needs and concerns. Ultimately, we must do all that we can to address these issues proactively and not just rely on the criminal justice system. This will include challenging and changing attitudes and mindsets in families, in workplaces and at community level. For many years, good relations in Northern Ireland has, understandably, focused on our sectarian divisions. I hope that the review will provide an additional focus on the need to support community cohesion and awareness in areas and communities where ethnic diversity has increased.

Ms McLaughlin: I have no doubt that everyone in the Chamber will agree that the events of the summer were profoundly disturbing and deeply troubling for communities and, in particular, for those in our communities who are from ethnic minority backgrounds. This debate is about action and not warm words. My colleague Matthew O'Toole raised the issue with the deputy First Minister yesterday and asked why, disappointingly, there had been precious little action from the Executive to date.

A surge to the far right, hatred and racism spilled on to our streets with devastating consequences last August. I express our solidarity with all those who were intimidated by the violence and who feared for their place in Northern Irish society as a result. Those attacks had one main objective, which was to sow fear, distrust and hatred in Northern Ireland and to intimidate members of our shared community who have built their lives, their families and their businesses here. Everyone here knows that such incidents are far from spontaneous. They are the products of years of dangerous rhetoric and anti-immigrant sentiment. They are also the product of paramilitary influence, which still looms large in the lives of many of our young people. It was right that politicians from across different parties condemned those attacks during the summer and it is right that we repeat those condemnations today.

Condemnation, however, is not enough. In the aftermath of the riots in the summer, thousands of people came on to the streets to protest against racism and violence but, too often, we have felt that the Government here have been far too slow to react and to demonstrate the same kind of solidarity. This motion is a chance for the Assembly to come together to commit to making the changes that are required and to ensure that lessons are learned. Such lessons can only be learned in the context of a comprehensive review. This review must thoroughly examine what took place, why it happened and who was involved. It must go further to provide us with proposals and real, actionable measures to prevent those horrific incidents from happening again.

In addition to addressing the events of the summer, we must work proactively to combat racism at every level. That includes making progress on the current outstanding areas within the Executive Office's responsibility that can help to build a culture of respect, understanding and inclusivity. The review that will be produced by the Executive Office as a result of the motion should also seek to give a fulsome update on the racial equality and refugee integration strategies. We need appropriate and meaningful legislation with stand-alone hate crime legislation built in. Accountability is vital here, and we must see progress being made without any further delay.

I say again to those who have been affected by such racist incidents, "You are not alone; you have a place and a role in our community, while racists do not and never will". We must ensure that each person feels that they have a place here and that they are valued as an integral part of our society. Let us unite in purpose and action and commit to making Northern Ireland a society that celebrates its diversity, respects all its people and provides a safe and welcoming environment for everyone. Together, we can create a future that is free from fear, division and hatred. Let the Assembly lead the way by demonstrating that we are committed to the values of inclusion, unity and respect for everyone. Let us have a rapid review, but, please, let us also have action.

Miss Hargey: I thank the Committee for the Executive Office for tabling this important motion. Over the past few months, I, along with others in the Chamber, have attended a number of anti-racism rallies in Belfast, which took place off the back of a summer of racist attacks on families, homes, places of worship, and, indeed, local businesses, which were burnt to the ground. Many of those attacks took place in my constituency of South Belfast, off the back of a hate march from the City Hall to the Belfast Islamic Centre. We saw everything that unfolded following that event.

Since those attacks, we have seen incidents of racism and racist attacks continue. In the past fortnight, a young child and their mother were attacked in their own home. A few weeks before that, a nearby home was attacked, and a family's vehicle was burnt out just because they were identified on TV as having attended an anti-racism rally.

These incidents did not start this summer, and it is essential that we acknowledge that when tackling the issues. According to official figures, there were 1,411 racist incidents during the 12 months that ended in June of this year, which included 891 reported racist crimes. That represents a full year before the incidents of the summer. Some have tried to correlate diversity in South Belfast with the rise in racist attacks, but diversity is never the cause of racism. Racism is fuelled by racist ideas and by people who are willing to organise and carry out attacks. Those things have to be condemned and challenged for what they are: racism, and its flip side, which is sectarianism.

We must call out and deal with the fact that there was a level of organisation around the attacks. That organising is conducted by paramilitaries, as the PSNI confirmed in relation to the attacks during the summer. Indeed, an Equality Commission report on racism found that many people were reluctant to report hate crime, due to concerns that it is linked to or endorsed by loyalist paramilitaries.

Despite the incidents that I have talked about, we have seen members of our communities speak out against racism and sectarianism, and they must be commended. I commend the residents of the Donegall Road who recently spoke out against a mother and their child being attacked. I commend the residents of the lower Ormeau Road whom I joined with over the summer as they drove a hate mob from their community and stood with local businesses that were attacked. I commend those who have rallied on the streets of Belfast to say no to racism and hate.

Belfast and this island have been the home of anti-slavery, emancipation, anti-imperialism, civil rights and community and labour organising. We need to recapture those ideals through grassroots community organising, education, activism and community campaigning. Of course, that all needs to be supported by policy, strategy and funding.

It is clear that we need political unity. We need our communities to work together to root out the causes and the manifestations of racism and sectarianism. We need to stand together to say yes to equality and diversity, to building an inclusive society for all and, importantly, to protecting the most vulnerable in our communities.

I commend the motion.

Mr Harvey: As has been said, the DUP supports the motion, and I believe that we can all unite on this topic.

Racism is wrong, and it is incumbent on us all to call it out when it raises its ugly head and to work collectively to eradicate it from society. Contributors to the debate have reminded us of the scenes that played out on our streets and television screens earlier this year: totally unacceptable behaviour that caused untold damage to communities and individuals alike.

In addressing the questions posed by the motion, it is important that we drill down into specifics within individual communities. Broad-brush approaches to the issue will avail us little. I am hopeful that the recent cross-departmental working group involving the PSNI and the Housing Executive, established following the summer disorder, will be able to identify similarities and differences in motivations behind behaviours. The same can be said of any Executive review flowing from the motion. Just as the factors that drive racially motivated criminality are multifaceted, any Executive review should be cross-cutting. All relevant Departments, agencies, community and voluntary organisations, elected representatives and members of the public should be engaged as part of that process. Above all, victims of the recent violence must be to the fore.

It is widely accepted — all the statistics on this issue and similar instances of criminality bear it out — that such behaviour usually has a parallel interaction with high rates of poverty and deprivation and the influence of organised crime gangs. Rather than simply labelling those who engage in such criminality as "racist" or "fascist", any review must lift the veil on what drives individual children, young people and adults to get involved in such disorder in their own communities. We must be prepared to really seek answers to that pivotal question in the motion: why? Only when we begin to address the "why" will we begin to effect change for the better, not to condone violence, criminality or racism but to eradicate them from our streets and communities

We must bear it in mind that no review or departmental intervention will provide the silver bullet that we would wish to provide. It must be acknowledged that contextual factors such as the prevalence of misinformation and hate manifested online and on social media platforms will not be captured or addressed with an Executive Office review or intervention. Ultimately, there needs to be a new, UK-wide focus on tackling the risk that social media poses in fuelling and coordinating public unrest that exceeds legitimate and free protest activity. Openness and transparency must be the watchwords for government, law enforcement and state media in how the public is engaged with on issues of public interest to ensure that public trust and confidence is retained.

A central aspect of any wider review of tackling racism should be an assessment of how the PSNI responded, of whether the available resourcing was adequate and of the impact, physical and mental, on the officers who had to hold the line against the unrest witnessed across Belfast and elsewhere during the summer. We cannot leave those dedicated public servants out of the equation. I hope that the Justice Minister will agree with me on that point and consider it as part of any cross-departmental review.

It must be remembered that much good work has been done and continues to be done to integrate communities, foster relationships and build capacity though many government-led initiatives, particularly Together: Building a United Community (T:BUC) and Urban Villages. Those programmes have sought to direct interventions to where they have been needed most, particularly in areas of deprivation and ongoing community tension. Those on the Executive Office Committee and beyond are aware of the ongoing efforts to bring forward a refugee —

Mr Deputy Speaker (Dr Aiken): Could the Member draw his remarks to a close, please?

Mr Harvey: I will. I will finish by saying that a refugee integration strategy will undoubtedly be of great benefit in tackling the causes that have been manifested.

Ms Nicholl: If we gathered in the House to talk about incidents of sexual assault or street violence and anyone mentioned "legitimate concerns", there would be outrage. We need to stop doing that. We have to stop doing that when it comes to racist attacks. There were no legitimate concerns when it came to the racism that we experienced in our city in August. If you want to discuss housing or how people are struggling to cope, that is for a debate on the cost of living or housing. Please stop bringing it in when we are talking about racist attacks. It is totally unacceptable, and it gives victims the impression that they are being prioritised over the perpetrators. It has to stop. Please, can we stop doing it?

I welcome the motion. I welcome the Chair's comments that it is about a review and looking at what we got wrong and what we need to do right. That is so important. We had the recall and discussed at length how those attacks were outrageous. I keep thinking about business owner Muhammad Atif, who stood on the stairs in the Great Hall and made a dignified plea that we build a society that celebrates our diversity and is future focused, thinking about the next generation and what sort of society we want our children to grow up in. It is not just about minority ethnic people not feeling valued but about how, as a society, we treat anyone who feels different and ensure that they feel valued and important.

The prospect of legislation has been raised. That is part of the response. It does not feel as though there is any urgency. Why do we not have the refugee integration strategy that is recommended in the racial equality strategy? It has been meant to be coming for months. It is not here yet. We are really good at condemnation and turning up and showing support when something awful has happened, but what are we doing in the meantime?

One area that I am passionate about and talk about a lot, but feel is ignored, is support for asylum seekers and refugees. I really hope that any review looks into the governance of how we address those issues. Months ago, I asked about a meeting specifically about children who are in contingency accommodation. I said that I was really worried that, at some point, an inquiry will be needed into how those children have been treated. Gerry and I go into the hotels fairly regularly, and we have met people who are living in contingency accommodation to hear what they are going through. Shortly after I was elected, I went into a hotel. "Hotel" is misleading: it gives the impression that the people there are living in the lap of luxury. Those people have been through unimaginable hell and have come here to start a new life. It is our human rights obligation and our privilege to support people as they build a new life. I remember that there was a group of women who were waiting to talk to me that day. Every single one of them had been through the worst that humans can do to one another. What they had been through would be unimaginable to most people. They just wanted safety and security for their children. One child was nine or 10 and had started wetting the bed again. They were terrified and asking what they had done wrong to be in prison. They were going to school, but they were traumatised and were not getting the support that they needed. We need to have a conversation about how we address that together.

We had the strategic migration partnership, which fell apart. TEO took that on, and I am grateful that officials are doing amazing work on that. However, there is no accountability or transparency about how the different Departments feed into that to support, honestly, the most vulnerable people in society. We need to have a discussion about how we protect them. Any review will be really important, but so, too, will be how we lead, discuss and put in place mechanisms so that no one falls through the gap. I am desperately worried about those children, and I am desperately worried that they are not a priority because they are a tiny minority. How we treat those people says so much about how we are as a society.

Yesterday, we discussed the legacy of Anna Lo. When she was an MLA, all those years ago, Anna Lo championed racial equality and asked for legislation on that. We are still waiting. If we are serious about showing that we are committed to racial equality, we will bring that forward.

Mr Stewart: I thank the Committee for the Executive Office and its Chair for their work on the review and for tabling the motion. As they will know, my party does not have a representative on the Committee, but I am grateful for the work that they have done. I have been watching intently along the way.

I echo many of the comments that were made by Ms Nicholl and other Members in sending our solidarity to the many people who were affected in such a tragic way during the summer. We saw the most vulnerable in society being targeted in a horrific way, with online rhetoric leading to intimidation and, ultimately, to attacks on businesses, homes and places of worship.

As we know, those people are the most vulnerable in society. They have come here for a better life, having fled some of the worst places in the world. Most of them are making a very valuable contribution to our society. Nothing was more saddening or caused more despair than seeing members of our NHS and care workers, having returned from a hard day's work, crying upon finding that their home had been attacked or burnt out. That was utterly despicable. It is etched in all our memories. At the same time as we saw that, however, we saw the true nature of the people of Northern Ireland. Across the country, hundreds of people came together, be that in my constituency or in any other, in support of the people who had been targeted. That is the true nature of the people of Northern Ireland. It is important to remember that that is their true spirit. That is the real Northern Ireland.

I fully support the need for a review. As Members have said, it needs to be quick, sharp and focused. I am keen to focus on the impact on the victims. There will potentially be an impact on the workforce, because we heard that, tragically, so many people who work in our NHS or as care workers are thinking of leaving. It is important that the Executive Office engage with them and with the community groups that represent them. During that horrific time, I dealt with, as, I am sure, did many others, local charities and community groups that represent and work with those individuals daily. It is important to understand their shared and lived experiences. It is therefore really important that the Executive Office engage with them to see what difficulties they face and to establish how best to overcome them. Some of the charities that work with people who have moved here from overseas were threatened and intimidated. Their premises were targeted merely because they were supporting those people. That is despicable. We need to learn from those experiences.

The final element that I will focus on is young people. Sadly and tragically, we saw far too many young people being dragged into what happened because of faceless individuals' online rhetoric. Community groups and schools need to have much more engagement with young people to ensure that they do not get caught up in such activity and that they realise the impact of their actions, including the long-term impacts that those actions could have on their life. They need to realise that that sort of activity is totally unacceptable.

We support the work of the Committee and will continue to contribute in any way in which we can.

Mr O'Toole: I welcome the fact that we are debating the subject today. I raised it yesterday with the deputy First Minister. I, and, I am sure, others in the Chamber, will keep raising the question of what, practically and specifically, we are doing to tackle the growing scourge of not just race hate but racially aggravated violence in this society.

It is important that we back up our words with actions. If we do not, people will ultimately think that this is simply a Potemkin Parliament: a Chamber in which we fill the air with words but in which nothing ever happens. Since we returned in February, we have done a lot of that. It is a cold day outside, but we could warm our hands on some of the words that have been used today.

Let us therefore hear about some specifics. In August, we witnessed a violent mob rampage through the streets of Belfast, specifically South Belfast. Several of my constituency colleagues have already spoken today about what happened. I spoke at the anti-racism rally, at which our numbers vastly outweighed those on the side of hate. People brandished the tricolour and the Union Jack to display hate, which should be offensive to people who treasure those flags. The anti-racist numbers vastly outweighed those of the racists. It was not just frustrating but disgusting to see people who had nothing but hate on their mind rampaging through South Belfast, which is my constituency, and, specifically, the university and Holylands area, which is where my constituency office is situated and the most diverse part of the constituency. Some people travelled up on the train from Dublin, while some came from other parts of this island and elsewhere in the North, to display their hate. They are not wanted in Belfast. They were rejected by the diverse community of South Belfast, and, yes, they were rejected here days later. It is also worth saying, as Deirdre Hargey did, that they were rejected by the working-class people of South Belfast. The community in the lower Ormeau stood against them, as, it has to be said, did loyalist parts of the constituency. I will come back to that point, because others are speaking for those people's community.

We all came in here a few days later, and we talked about how awful it was, and it was awful, but we are not paid just to talk. We are not a debating society; we are legislators. People are here to govern. What did we expect to see in the aftermath? We expected to see an updated racial equality strategy. We have not got it yet. We expected to see an updated refugee integration strategy. We have not got that yet. We would have liked to see progress and urgency, including from the Justice Minister, on a stand-alone hate crime Bill.

It has already been said that we need to beef up hate crime legislation. By the way, that is not some lefty woke theory about having hate crime legislation for its own sake. It is about giving the police the powers to apprehend and tackle not only people who spew race hate online but those who, as happened in my constituency in the past week, chuck masonry through the window of a terraced house, covering a child in glass. That is not about theory. It is about the lives of people in my constituency and this community. It is about kids of colour who are being targeted and families who are being burnt out. Words are great, but they are not enough.

Let us come back to words. My constituency colleague Kate Nicholl is right in what she says about the conflation of legitimate concerns. Working-class communities across the city have legitimate concerns about housing, economic opportunity and education. It is our job to come here and deal with those concerns. Conflating those concerns with racial violence is an offence to those working-class communities and the people of colour who face violence and intimidation. Let us stop that.

Let us also be honest about the ways in which that racist violence intersects with paramilitarism. There is a lot of double-talk in this place and in society about how those things intersect. The PSNI and the UN acknowledged that loyalist paramilitaries were involved in facilitating that violence. We are told that they have denied it at an organisational level, but it is pretty clear to anyone who is in a position of authority that loyalist paramilitaries were involved in facilitating those actions. Of course, their representatives still get meetings with Ministers. What message are we sending?

Let us get real. I welcome the motion, but it has to be followed up with real action, legislation, an updated review and finally being serious about clamping down on all forms of hate. I commend the motion, but let us have some action after the motion and the warm words.

Mr Gaston: I welcome the opportunity to, once again, condemn the racist attacks that we saw during the summer months. I will support the motion. However, I trust that it will not be a matter of passing another motion that leaves the Assembly with a warm feeling. As legislators, we should aim not just to say nice things but to deliver change of real substance. Let us not forget that the responsibility for dealing with the criminal activity that we witnessed lies not with the Executive Office but the PSNI. If we are looking to the Executive Office to act on the matter, it must do so within its departmental remit to promote equality and good relations.

That being the case, I trust that the Executive Office will look at the concerns that exist among working-class communities in particular about legal and illegal immigration. It is undeniable that uncontrolled immigration is a contributing factor to the pressures that public services are experiencing. We cannot deny that vital front-line services, particularly our NHS, are under pressure. Yes, we welcome the contribution that migrants make to the NHS, but we need to consider the impact of a growing population on current waiting lists. Just yesterday, for example, I received a reply from Minister Nesbitt to a question for written answer, which told me that 722 people in Northern Ireland have been waiting more than four years for a knee replacement.

When we think back to the events of the summer, we have to put the protests, the vast majority of which were peaceful, in context. In doing so, we have to reference events in Southport. It cannot be denied that there was a deliberate attempt to conceal the truth about the murders of three children and the horrific injuries that were suffered by 10 other people, of whom eight were children. The suspect has since been charged with possession of an al-Qaeda training manual and is being prosecuted under the Terrorism Act 2000. I am yet to read an apology or see even a fact check by the BBC, which claimed that he is a Christian.

I am not for one moment suggesting that all immigrants are potential terrorists — the occupants of the Chamber are evidence that Northern Ireland is well able to produce its own — but there is a need for truth and openness around the issue. Lack of transparency merely feeds suspicion and distrust.

I must also say that we do a disservice to the victims of racism by accepting groundless allegations as gospel. In September, the Executive Office Committee heard from a witness who said that the Housing Executive was institutionally racist. In the aftermath of the Stephen Lawrence murder, a High Court judge heard evidence from 88 witnesses, considered 100,000 pages of statements and produced a 350-page report to back up his findings that the Met was institutionally racist. In the Executive Office Committee, members seemed to believe that we should accept the charge against hard-working and honest employees of the Housing Executive just on the basis of lived experience. Such an approach does a disservice to those on the receiving end of racism.

Going forward, let us resolve to ensure that we do not scapegoat the working classes but take their genuine concerns seriously. We demand honesty from our media and condemn racism in all its forms. I see no conflict in believing that all of that is possible.

Mr Carroll: I support the motion, but I feel that it is a bit too little too late. It is also worth saying that the Executive's disapproval of racist violence did not force the far right and loyalist forces off the streets this summer. They were forced off the streets this summer by organised counter-mobilisations of tens of thousands of people in Belfast and beyond. It is important to say that now, because, at the time, some people were warning and urging people to stay away from counterprotests and not take to the streets. The violence was disgusting in August, but imagine how much worse it would have been in the aftermath had there not been those counter-mobilisations. Anti-fascist mobilisation is key and crucial to giving people confidence and to pushing aside the far right, fascist, loyalist paramilitaries.

The counter-mobilisations were organised by groups such as United Against Racism and many others, which are determined to stand up to racism, Islamophobia and hatred. Anti-racism activists, community groups, trade unionists and ordinary people stepped in to take action because the Executive have failed time and time again. That should teach us a lesson in the Chamber about where real power lies. It lies not in this Chamber but on the streets with ordinary, working-class, decent people.

Part of the review mentioned in the motion must involve holding the PSNI to account for its inaction. The PSNI failed to explain how violent racists were effectively given the green light to rampage around Belfast attacking migrants and their homes and migrant-owned businesses. It defies belief, but the PSNI was given ample warning about those inevitable attacks, yet people were left vulnerable and neighbours were left to the mercy of the far right. We are still waiting for answers from the PSNI as to why that happened.

The PSNI simply cannot be trusted or depended on to protect migrants. I note the evidence from the North West Migrants Forum, which basically told of its experience of the PSNI effectively pushing it into the hands of community leaders, and we know what that means when it comes to dealing with racism. I have been told that by public bodies as well. When referred to, community leaders are, in reality, paramilitaries, and they have no place in our society, never mind any place in tackling racism. Many are involved in it themselves. Instead, we saw groups of residents and local communities stepping in to protect their migrant minority neighbours when the state cannot be relied on. The contrast between the way the police handled far right rampagers over the summer and how they cracked down on people taking part in Black Lives Matter protests or how they police people who are racialised minorities every day of the week is completely stark and striking. There is such a contrast.

It is worth repeating that migrants are not to blame for welfare cuts, despite what we have heard from some people today. Deepening poverty is not caused by migrants or refugees, nor is our housing crisis or the crumbling of our public services. The vast majority of us know that.

I have to say that Executive Ministers have played an active role — some of them — in stoking up racist mob violence, giving a wink and a nod. They talk about genuinely held concerns of far-right thugs and give legitimacy to hatred. I repeat, as the Member for South Belfast said eloquently: there is no such thing as genuinely held concerns when you are talking about racism and far-right violence. I have appealed before and appeal once again to the deputy First Minister: stop using that inflammatory and dangerous language.

The far right is on the rise. They are whipping up racist hate and scapegoating migrants for the economic and social problems facing our society. They use fear to divide working-class communities that have been repeatedly failed by the state. There is nothing legitimate about racism, Islamophobia or the violent hatred of a bigoted minority. The attacks over the summer were not isolated incidents. They are part of a pattern of racist violence, and many of the migrant-owned businesses that were targeted in south Belfast have been attacked before on multiple occasions.

The racial equality strategy is still outstanding. Larne House is still open. The hostile environment is still in operation, and asylum seekers are denied the right to work and access to public services — the list goes on. Motions are important, but we need to see action on these points and many more if we are to push back racism and tackle the far right and growing fascism in our society.

Mr Deputy Speaker (Dr Aiken): I call on the deputy First Minister. She has up to 15 minutes.

Mrs Little-Pengelly (The deputy First Minister): I appreciate the opportunity to speak once again about the criminal damage and racist violence that took place in our community over the summer months. I assure you that addressing the needs of all in our community is a particularly important matter to us, and that must include everyone, no matter what the colour of your skin, your race, your religion, your faith or lack thereof or your identity.

It is appropriate at this juncture to take real exception to the comments just made. Absolutely disgraceful comments have just been made. At every opportunity, the members of the Executive have stood shoulder to shoulder and made it absolutely clear that there is never any justification for racism, hate, violence, disorder or prejudice on that basis. I am on the record —.

Mr Carroll: Will the deputy First Minister give way?

Mrs Little-Pengelly: I will not take an intervention. I am on the record as stating many times my absolute rejection of any racism, prejudice, hate, violence or disorder on that basis. The Member's comments are utterly disgraceful.

I say clearly to this place that no one will put words in my mouth, despite the attempts by many people over the last number of months. What I said is that, in this role as deputy First Minister and as a representative, my message to people is clear: I am on your side. I am here to listen to you, to the challenges that you face and the hardships that you experience. I have said in the House that I recognise that, for many people throughout Northern Ireland — indeed, too many people — their lives are too tough. If you had actually listened to the people on the ground, you would have seen that tensions are bubbling and frustrations are high. There is that deep frustration because of a lack of affordable housing and the inability of people to live in the communities in which they grew up and that they love because of a lack of affordable housing and access to public services. I have also said very clearly that that is a challenge for all of us in the Chamber to address. That is a problem and those are issues for democracy to address. However, if democracy does not deliver, we will see people becoming increasingly frustrated. That is on us. That is why we must step up. I have said that time and again.

The Executive have no tolerance for the racial discrimination and violence witnessed in July and August of this year. It is in stark contrast to the values of equality and respect that we strive to uphold. We have all seen the devastating impact of those crimes on victims and their families and communities, and our thoughts are still with all of those affected.

I welcome the debate and all the thoughtful contributions. Indeed, we will take those away in the work that we are doing. I take the opportunity this afternoon to outline some of the work that we have been carrying forward, particularly from the summer but, of course, the work that has been taking place in the Department. We believe that that important work will address many of the elements. Of course, this place cannot fix these problems, but we can certainly do what we can to address them, working with communities and addressing those prejudicial social attitudes that lead to the type of racism that, very sadly and disappointingly, we saw on the streets.

It is also important to put it on record that this was a small minority of people. The message that we must send to those from ethnic minority communities throughout Northern Ireland should be a united one. It should be a positive one today, which is that we are absolutely all united against racism and prejudice and that we are all united in wanting every person in Northern Ireland to be able to play their part and to do so in a context without hate, prejudice or discrimination. That is the message that the Executive are sending, the message that the First Minister and I have repeated throughout the summer and the autumn and the message that I firmly stand by today.
Of course, much of what happened in the summer we have looked at, discussed and taken forward. A number of reviews are ongoing, but, of course, we will take away today's motion and endeavour to look at what we are doing to see whether we can do things differently, whether we need to bring that together in a different way or whether we need to increase the pace of what we are doing.

I want to highlight a number of the key issues that the Department is working on. In that context, much of the learning from the summer's events has been built into the ongoing work that the Department is leading on in conjunction with other Departments and agencies, specifically the race hate cross-departmental working group, which met recently, on 6 November, to consider strategically how to apply learning and avoid a reoccurrence. One of our key priorities is to build a society in which racial equality and diversity is supported, valued and respected.

I have heard reference to this before — I do not know why — but I have clarified in the House a number of times that we have a racial equality strategy. That racial equality strategy is for 2015 to 2025, and it is still in place. I have heard calls for a racial equality strategy: we are looking at that strategy and preparing for the next strategy beyond 2025. Much of that strategy has been fully implemented, and the aspects that have not been implemented are for a continuous application of the particular actions in it.

Of course, we are looking at how that strategy was effective, what worked in it and what did not work as well. We will bring that all forward into the new strategy. We hope to launch a call for views before the end of 2024 to support the development of the new strategic approach to racial equality, and, as referenced yesterday in a different debate, in all of these policies and in reviewing and revising all of our strategies, it is critical that we listen to those who will be most impacted by them. Therefore, I emphasise today our keenness to hear from people throughout Northern Ireland about their views of the previous strategy and what they want to see in the new one. I have no doubt that the Committee will want to participate in that important work as well. We want to hear from the key stakeholders in the minority ethnic sector and wider society, particularly on, as has been referenced in the debate, what they believe to be the root causes of racism and rate hate.

I also emphasise that, in some of that work, we will also look internationally at where there have been issues and what has worked in tackling those, not just from a government and departmental agenda and that of our agencies and local government but from within the community with schools, families and community organisations. I recognise absolutely that we can deliver that type of change only by working in partnership with all of those organisations. We will use those views to help to develop our future strategic approach to racial equality and to inform how we prevent such events from taking place again.

As the current racial equality strategy acknowledges, we are under no illusion about the size of the challenge involved. It will take time, effort and resources, but it recognises that every one of us has a role to play in combating racism and racial inequalities. We cannot do it alone, and full implementation will require the support and active participation of all sections of our community.

I also acknowledge the incredible work of organisations, including those representing ethnic minority communities. I know that many of you in the Chamber will have worked with them. Particularly when I represented South Belfast, it was my privilege to work with many of those organisations and to see the incredible work that they do on the ground. Of course, many other community organisations are also working. I was really pleased to see in the assessment of our Together: Building a United Community good relations schemes, such as T:BUC camps and other projects and initiatives, a really good level of participation from those from ethnic minority communities in Northern Ireland.

We will want to mainstream that, and we can build on that. The review of Together: Building a United Community is under way, and that provides an exciting opportunity to take into account all the learning and make sure that those projects are absolutely inclusive. That is one of the good ways of tackling at a very early age some of the attitudes that set in and lead to problems later.

Mr Brett: Will the Minister give way?

Mrs Little-Pengelly: I will indeed.

Mr Brett: I join the deputy First Minister in paying tribute to the work of community organisations. Will she join me in paying tribute to the work of the Police Service of Northern Ireland? There have been disgraceful attempts in the Chamber to say that the Police Service of Northern Ireland stood idly by and allowed criminality to take place. There were disgraceful comments that undermined the work of the PSNI, saying that it polices different sections of our community in different ways. Does the deputy First Minister agree that, day and daily, the brave officers of the PSNI put on their uniforms to serve every single member of our society?

Mrs Little-Pengelly: I thank the Member for his intervention. Absolutely. It is important to put on record our thanks to the PSNI. Throughout that period when there was a huge amount of disorder, particularly in south Belfast, the First Minister and I were in regular contact with the Chief Constable and the PSNI to show our support, but also to ensure that the PSNI had the resources that it required. The PSNI makes absolutely clear that it does not have the resources that it needs. However, in the circumstance where it was fighting an unpredictable crowd on multiple fronts, it did everything that it could. Of course, it is right that the PSNI is scrutinised, but it is also absolutely right to put on record in the House our thanks to the brave men and women of the PSNI who faced a mob of people, which was going in multiple directions without any overall direction, and tried to help and support people in that context.

Ms Bradshaw: I thank the Minister for giving way. To clarify, when the Committee held the evidence session with stakeholders, it was them, especially those who had businesses in south Belfast, who raised concerns and expressed dismay about the police having stood by. The videos are in the public domain: you will know that, and we have all seen them. When the Deputy Chief Constable came to the Committee, he acknowledged that there were lessons to be learned about how officers intervene.

Mr Deputy Speaker (Dr Aiken): I remind the Member that interventions are to be —

Ms Bradshaw: That needed to be clarified on behalf of the Committee, Deputy Speaker. Thank you.

Mrs Little-Pengelly: I thank the Member for her attempt to clarify, but her words will be clearly on the Hansard record. She repeated what was said in the Committee. Our role is to challenge some of that. There are reasons for policing operations. Of course, there are reasons for the way in which police have to operate in difficult circumstances. I want to recognise the incredible role that the PSNI played in difficult circumstances and, as Mr Brett said, what they do, day and daily, to keep the people of Northern Ireland safe.

In 2023, the hate crime legislation and access to justice working group was established. It engages with representatives of the Department of Justice hate crime delivery group, the hate crime advocacy service, Victim Support and the PSNI. The working group is tasked with improving the reporting of hate crime, supporting victims of hate crime and reviewing and strengthening legislation as priority actions across statutory bodies. The need to provide the best possible legal protection against racism was highlighted as a key action of the racial equality strategy. Following the 12-week public consultation that was held in 2023, the review of the Race Relations (Northern Ireland) Order 1997 has been completed. The resulting report, which was published in early August, will inform any legislative change and will move us a step closer to a more equal society.

I am very conscious that there is a lot more detail in that but, sadly, we have run out of time and I will not be able to go through all of it. I can assure you that the Executive Office and the Department of Finance have worked with the Ministry of Housing, Communities and Local Government and the Northern Ireland Office to look at how best to utilise the £600,000 pot of funding that has been provided for here under the UK Government's Community Recovery Fund. Belfast City Council, in conjunction with the Ministry of Housing, Communities and Local Government has drawn up a wide-ranging plan, and I have already mentioned the Together: Building a United Community review. Unfortunately, the leader of the Opposition spoke and ran, so he is not here to hear any responses to the issues that he raised. Again, it is important to clarify this: my understanding is that the PSNI did not say that there was paramilitary involvement in the organisation of the violence. It is important for us to look at the challenges and the underlying reasons for the issues and to do that in an accurate, evidence-based way.

In the House, we all want to tackle the scourge of racism. We may have different views — saying, "our crowd on the streets is bigger than your crowd", at a time when many of us were working to keep people off the streets, was foolish — but, today, we need to send a clear, united message that we are all against racism. Racism is wrong, the disorder in the summer was appalling and we will work hard to do everything that we can to tackle that and bring about the inclusive society that we all want to build.

Mr Deputy Speaker (Dr Aiken): I call Carál Ní Chuilín to make a winding-up speech. You have up to 10 minutes.

Ms Ní Chuilín: Thank you, Mr Deputy Speaker. First, I will make remarks on behalf of the Committee, given the change with Connie and Stewart, and I am pleased to do so. I will take some of my time to speak as a Committee member and then, separately, I will speak as one of the riff-raff, anti-fascist protesters who were out on the street.

The Committee motion has received cross-community support. Every Member mentioned concern about the issue. After the recall in August and what most of us have described as "the summer of hate", the Committee heard from a panel of people from different minority ethnic groups and others who spoke about the need for legislation. They are all aware that there is a strategy; they just do not feel that it works for them. We all need to look at that as part of the scoping exercise. We talk about lived experience. Those people talked about their experience, and not one of us was unaffected by it. We obviously need to look at that.

Some Members made allegations or claims and other Members refuted them, but, at the end of the day, that is about experience. As with everything else in life, we will have to back up claims with evidence, but that is not the case when it comes to someone who feels that, in their experience, certain things have happened with some of the statutory bodies. When you hear how that has impacted on them and their families, you know that questions certainly need to be asked.

The Committee has been diligent in trying to get beneath the issue of what else can be done. We have the T:BUC strategy, Communities in Transition, the ending violence against women and girls framework and the racial equality strategy. We are looking at where things stand for refugees. We are looking at equality and good relations. As part of a Committee inquiry, we are looking at equality gaps.

Given the size of the problem, we agree that it did not start in the summer. The summer was an expression of what has been going on for some time, but it was at that point that many of us just said, "Enough is enough".

We heard from people from Derry, or Foyle or the north-west — whatever you are comfortable calling it — who were referred to community leaders. That did happen. We heard that from individuals who came to us as part of these debates but did not go in front of the Committee. Their lived experience needs to be heard. When we spoke to statutory bodies, including the PSNI, about what happened in the summer and what we can do to prevent something like that happening again, the issue of resources came up time and time again, as did our attitudes, particularly in this place.

It was important for the Committee to table the motion. It is important that all the scoping exercises have a start, a middle and an end and that they move quickly so that we know their conclusions very soon. I will not go through what Members said; we were all here, so we heard what everybody said. On a positive level, we all said that what happened over the summer cannot happen again and that we need to look at interventions. I will set that aside and talk about what happened during the summer and prior to it.

The term "legitimate concerns" has become a watchword for saying, "Yes, there was racialism, but we have concerns too". I have never once heard the Tory Government being blamed for a lack of Budget here or the lack of money to access GPs and to help with housing.

Ms Ennis: I thank the Member for giving way. I am glad that she raised that point. I am sure that she is as sickened as I am by the dangerous and, frankly, false rhetoric that some have used in the House today. The NHS is under pressure because we have an ageing and sicker population, coupled with decades of consecutive British Governments gutting funding for the NHS. Despite what has been said, immigration is not the reason why people cannot get a doctor's appointment; immigration is precisely the reason why people still can get a doctor's appointment.

Ms Ní Chuilín: I appreciate your intervention. It is quite timely. However, there is something even more sinister in that. I think that it all depends on the colour of the people who have immigrated here. We need to call that out. I know that Gerry did not mean what he said, but some of us consider ourselves to be decent working-class people as well. Working-class communities have faced the brunt of deprivation and being starved of money for decades. They are the communities that constantly feel the worst impact. What do we do? Rather than listen to the concerns that people have about childcare, schools, housing, community safety, their ability to feel free and their ability to grow and resource their own areas, we get taken down a road in working-class areas, where there has been a concentration of people who have made this place their home, even if it is temporary. It is not the Executive; it is the British Home Office through Mears, and Migrant Help needs to do more.

Mr Carroll: I thank the Member for giving way. I agree with her point about deprivation. Going back to her comment about genuinely held concerns, does she agree that that strategy and comment often help to feed racism, meaning that people think that it is OK or legitimate to bash migrants or asylum seekers? Does she agree that Ministers should challenge racist tropes and misinformation, rather than giving a wink, a nod or any encouragement to them?

Ms Ní Chuilín: I do. If you notice, I used a different phrase — "genuine concerns" — about housing. The term "legitimate concerns" has been used as a catch-all phrase for not calling racism out, frankly, and that is the bottom line. Indulging the Loyalist Communities Council (LCC) and hearing its "legitimate concerns" about housing and education has been nothing short of pathetic, and it adds to the feeling that there is access for some but none for others, and that needs to be called out.

Is the LCC a legitimate group? Yes, it absolutely is, but the police said that loyalist paramilitaries were involved in the riots during the summer. The police said that in public, at the Committee and at subsequent meetings. Let us not let on that they were not involved.

My other concern, regardless of where it happens — this needs to be said — is that very young children and young people were involved in those riots over the summer. Very young children and young people have been involved in riots at interfaces previously. People of our age, my age and younger and older, have said things, so those young people are being involved, and they are shafted. They are left to go through the criminal justice system, and nobody cares about them. That is a fact.

The people who are being terrorised and who look after us in our hospitals and schools are left devastated. Their lives are devastated, particularly if they come from countries that have seen war and terror. They have gone through the most traumatic of experiences but come here, get a brick through their window and their car burnt.

People then say, "Well, there are legitimate concerns". That needs to stop. I do not care about faux outrage from anyone in the House. You cannot stand over that at all. I will leave my comments there.

Mr Brooks: Will the Member give way?

Ms Ní Chuilín: Yes. I have little time left, but I am happy to give way.

Mr Brooks: When people talk about legitimate concerns, it is very clear that they are not trying to justify the kind of attacks that the Member talks about, which are repugnant and which everybody stands against. However, in other parts of the UK, we saw the rise of the far right when working-class communities felt that politicians in other parties had not listened to them. Therefore, there is a responsibility on those of us who represent communities, be they loyalist or republican, to hear what is being said.

Ms Ní Chuilín: I hear what you are saying. You have a right to hear what your constituents and others say. However, I expect you to call out any racism, and I know that you would do that. I will leave it at that. I thank everybody who contributed to the debate.

Mr Deputy Speaker (Dr Aiken): Thank you very much indeed.

Mr Deputy Speaker (Dr Aiken): I ask Members to take a few moments while we settle ourselves down.

Mr Butler: I beg to move

Mr Deputy Speaker (Dr Aiken): The Business Committee has agreed to allow up to one hour and 30 minutes for the debate. The proposer of the motion will have 10 minutes to propose and 10 minutes to make a winding-up speech. As two amendments have been selected and are published on the Marshalled List, the Business Committee has agreed that 30 minutes will be added to the total time for the debate. Mr Butler, please open the debate.

Mr Butler: Thank you, Mr Deputy Speaker. The purpose of today's motion is to ensure that, as an Assembly, we recognise the immediacy of the crisis and that we take steps to move beyond consultation and procrastination to address the serious issue of holiday hunger and the high cost of school uniforms and PE kits that places a heavy burden on families across Northern Ireland. We, the Ulster Unionist Party, are gravely concerned by the impact that the absence of a functioning Executive had on social support programmes. The absence of a Government for five out of eight years means that, today, we revisit matters such as school uniforms and holiday hunger that, during my time as an MLA, we have debated at length, as far back as 2017 and, again, in 2020. They were probably debated even before 2017.

One of the most impactful measures, which, my party believes, was a critical loss, was the funding for the school holiday food grant scheme. The scheme previously offered support to prevent holiday hunger for around 100,000 children and young people across Northern Ireland. Its loss has left families facing deep uncertainty. The end of that vital scheme demonstrates a failure to recognise the reality of holiday hunger, which is a real and present issue that, sadly, affects many children today.

The situation is compounded by the rising cost of living. The costs of basic necessities, including food and clothing, continue to rise, pushing many families to the brink. The high costs associated with school uniforms, particularly branded uniforms and PE kits, add an extra financial strain. A recent survey by Parentkind revealed that over 66% of parents in Northern Ireland find buying school uniforms to be a major financial challenge. The issue disproportionately affects vulnerable groups, including families with children who have special educational needs and disabilities, who often face extra uniform-related costs.

There are two amendments to the motion, which, I believe, are mutually exclusive. That means that we have to choose between them. In my estimation, the DUP amendment highlights concerns that holiday hunger relief could be further removed into the Executive abyss, potentially ignoring the immediate needs of children and families. That stance risks diluting our focus on this pressing issue. Our community and voluntary sector has filled the gap, with groups such as Children in Northern Ireland and Angel Eyes NI standing in over the summer to provide hot meals, food vouchers and inclusive events for families, thereby directly addressing holiday hunger. According to the recent Angel Eyes NI report, 100% of families who received that support stated that it had had a positive impact. That underscores the importance of continuing such support on a formal level. I might add that, when families respond in the manner that they are, they do not do so with any sense of pride. It is a deep hurt for any family or any parent to face into that pressure.

By contrast, the Alliance amendment seems to take a more practical approach and recognises the crucial and valuable motion that the Ulster Unionist Party has tabled. That amendment calls for a comprehensive review of eligibility criteria for free school meals and uniform grants and supporting measures to cap uniform costs. Alliance at least recognises the dark co-morbidity of poverty and its impact on many of our children. Alliance's emphasis on removing branded items, such as compulsory PE kits, and expanding access to free school meals is an important recognition of the financial struggles that a growing number of families across Northern Ireland face.

The financial pressures faced by families across Northern Ireland are increasing at an alarming rate. They disproportionately affect disabled people and low-income families. Carers NI's statistics show that 83% of disabled individuals in Northern Ireland have seen their financial situation worsen in 2024 alone, which underscores the urgent need for policies that support all members of society, especially vulnerable populations. Angel Eyes NI, which I mentioned, had a recent summer programme that identified the desperate need for holiday hunger relief. The programme provided meals, food vouchers and family outings and had a significant and positive effect. It employed a holistic strategy, and the results speak for themselves: as I stated, 100% of families felt that the food vouchers and free meals alleviated financial pressure, and over 99% reported that the events positively impacted on their families. Such programmes should be backed by government support and scaled to meet the demands across Northern Ireland.

In response to these challenges, we call on the Minister of Education to do a number of things. They are captured in the motion, but I will take the opportunity to read them into the record and perhaps expand on them a little. We ask the Minister to provide an urgent update on holiday hunger relief, to inform the Assembly about the steps being taken to restore or replace the school holiday food grant scheme and to ensure continued support for our families. Immediate action is needed to prevent children from experiencing hunger during school breaks.

We ask the Minister to provide an update on the steps being taken to address school uniform costs. I know that he is working on that, and I am grateful, but I ask him for an update on the pace of departmental work in that regard. The Department of Education's recent consultation on school uniform price caps and exploring legislative potential is in train, but we need to see action to ensure that it does not just slip further down the priority line.

We also ask the Department to consider the removal of mandatory branded items in PE kits and to lower the cost. We also seek the Minister's view on widening free school meals access and to develop a plan to widen access across the estate, targeting, perhaps, larger groups of families in need and, perhaps, expanding the criteria to provide support for children who are currently ineligible and who struggle with food insecurity — an issue that is very much in our sights. A great start would be to provide a single, universal, free school meal at primary school and to ensure that the impact that that would have on learning, health, well-being and childhood poverty is captured, and that we build upon it and do not do it simply for the sake of doing it.

Additional support for families of children with special educational needs is paramount to what we do. That means providing supplementary support for families with children who have special educational needs or disabilities. As we know, those families face unique and often higher costs related not only to school uniforms but to other educational materials.

A national parents' survey from Parentkind has revealed troubling statistics: 41% of parents in Northern Ireland have had to ration heating, and nearly one in five is accruing monthly debt. Furthermore, one third of parents are struggling financially, with many skipping meals to make ends meet. The value of providing a school meal cannot be overlooked in the further benefits that it might provide to families. The cost of school uniforms and the pressures of school-related expenses, such as trips and voluntary donations, are taking a significant toll on many families across Northern Ireland. More than one in three parents has reported a major financial strain due to school uniform costs alone. As much as we would love to think that education is free at the point of access, that, inevitably, is not the case in some schools.

The Assembly has an obligation to respond to those issues with immediacy and compassion. We must look beyond consultation and begin implementing policies that relieve families from the constant financial stress related to schooling expenses. A holistic anti-poverty strategy that prioritises basic needs, food security, adequate, affordable and available clothing and a safe learning environment must be at the forefront of our educational agenda, and it will have a knock-on benefit for health and well-being outcomes in later life.

Supporting the motion signals a commitment to providing vulnerable families with the resources that they need, ensuring that no child faces hunger or the stigma of inadequate clothing simply because their family cannot afford it. We urge the Assembly to take decisive action to support our children and build a society where access to basic needs is no longer a barrier to basic education.

Mr Deputy Speaker (Dr Aiken): The Business Committee has agreed to meet at 1.00 pm today. I propose, therefore, by leave of the Assembly, to suspend the sitting until 2.00 pm. The debate will continue after Question Time, when the next Member to be called will be David Brooks to move amendment No 1.

Mr C Murphy (The Minister for the Economy): My 'good jobs' employment rights consultation sought views on the proposals on flexible working and carers' leave to help address barriers to employment for carers and to enable those with disabilities to enter or remain in work. The consultation closed on 30 September, and responses are being analysed. In addition, we know that a lack of suitable post-school provision for those with special educational needs (SEN) causes many carers to consider leaving work or reducing their hours to support the young person. That is why I have tasked officials to review the position on skills and training provision and the relevant legislative protections and to bring forward options for improvements.

Ms Bradshaw: Thank you, Minister, for your answer. I met Orchardville, which, as you will know, is an organisation in my constituency that operates across the Province. Orchardville is concerned that there is not enough mention of support for people with learning disabilities and how barriers will be removed. Orchardville will be looking to see how you will ensure that their needs are met in terms of the implementation of the action plan and how that will be measured.

Mr C Murphy: I have met groups that campaign on the issue of the lack of post-19 provision for people with learning difficulties and other challenges. I agree that it is an area that has been left for far too long without any provision being made or perhaps, indeed, any responsibility being taken. It is a complex issue. I am determined to work with ministerial colleagues and other Departments to see where the responsibilities lie and what we can do collectively. There is undoubtedly a gap in provision. There has been for some time, and I commend those who have been campaigning on that. We have an opportunity in the mandate to scope it out and see what actions are required. I hope that we can make progress on the issue, in collaboration with other Departments that have a responsibility, in the course of the mandate so that we have a plan in place as quickly as possible.

Mr Gildernew: Will you outline your proposals on the important issue of carers' leave, please?

Mr C Murphy: The 'good jobs' employment rights consultation proposed to introduce a right to up to five days of leave for unpaid, eligible carers over a rolling 12-month period to provide care for a family member or other dependant who has longer-term or otherwise significant care needs. It remains my goal to introduce paid carers' leave entitlement. However, that would be subject to Executive and Assembly approvals and the identification of necessary funding by the Executive.

The Ulster University's Economic Policy Centre has been engaged to consider the potential cost of paid entitlement. In addition to the annually recurring costs of providing paid carers' leave, there are implications such as the availability of funding for any HMRC system changes that would be required. Those changes would require considerable set-up costs, and the ongoing costs could be substantial. In parallel, I have asked a cross-departmental senior officials group on carers to look at the options available to support our unpaid carers.

Mr C Murphy: The expansion of Ulster University's Magee campus is a commitment in 'New Decade, New Approach' and a priority in the draft Programme for Government (PFG). It is, therefore, my focus at this time. I have no plans for a similar task force for the Coleraine campus. However, I fully support and recognise the benefits of Ulster University's three-campus model. Over the past 10 years, my Department has provided £16·5 million in capital grants for investment in the Coleraine campus. My Department is also working with Causeway Coast and Glens Borough Council and Ulster University to develop proposals for a centre for food and drug discovery at Coleraine, as part of the Causeway Coast and Glens growth deal. I will continue to collaborate closely with Ulster University to support the sustainability of all its campuses.

Mr Bradley: I thank the Minister for his answer. On the Minister's regional balance strategy, I look at the recent funding allocations by the university, which were supplied to my colleague Phillip Brett. Capital spend in the university for 2023-24 was £4·183 million for Magee; £7·658 million for Studio Ulster; £1·252 million for Belfast cross-digital; £1·880 million for Jordanstown; and £122,000 for Coleraine. Those figures are stark but not specific. Does the Minister think that it is time that the Executive looked at establishing an oversight body to monitor and regulate our universities to ensure equality of opportunity and equality of development?

Mr C Murphy: Our universities rely largely on funding from us. They are as challenged, as we are, when it comes to providing funding. I am sure that, were more funding available, we could provide more funding across all our university campuses.

Ulster University has a commitment to all three of its campuses. That is the proposition of the university. There is a particular focus on the Magee campus, because there is recognition of the all-party support for expansion and a target has been set for student numbers there. Ulster University is working closely with the Department and the Magee task force to achieve that outcome. That is not to say that any of the other campuses will be neglected. There will certainly be opportunities for Coleraine; additional courses have been introduced there, and there has been £16·5 million of capital investment there over the past year.

The university has autonomy over how it divides its resources, so the Member will have to discuss that with the university. I am confident, however, that the university is committed to all its campuses.

Miss Brogan: Will the Minister confirm whether it is still the intention to publish the Magee expansion action plan before Christmas?

Mr C Murphy: Yes, it is. We received an interim plan with a number of asks not just of Executive Departments, primarily ours, but of the Government in the South. We have communicated with our Ministers and with Ministers in the South on that. We hope to compile answers to questions about the task force's work fairly quickly. It is still the intention of the task force to publish a final report this side of Christmas, and I look forward to receiving that.

Mr C Murphy: As autonomous institutions, universities are responsible for their policies and procedures, including recruitment and retention. Regarding the recent appointments of co-directors to lead Ulster University's new strategic policy unit, I have received assurances from the vice chancellor that an established process was followed and exercised appropriately.

Mr Gaston: The public believe that it is, at best, highly questionable that a former Minister for universities who has produced no academic research of note should be promoted via an exceptional talent pathway that disregards the regular appointment process. There is an obvious conflict of interest there. What will the Minister do to ensure that that does not happen again?

Mr C Murphy: As I said in my original response, universities have autonomy in their recruitment and retention procedures. I communicated with the university, and it provided me with a response, assuring me that the recruitment to the posts was carried out in accordance with its processes. That is a matter for the university. There is no further role for me in that regard.

Mr Martin: The Minister has just mentioned that he received assurances from the vice chancellor of Ulster University that an established process was followed and exercised. To quote from the policy that he referenced, the established process can:

What assurances did the vice chancellor, Paul Bartholomew, provide to the Minister that the Alliance Party's former deputy leader and the former special adviser to the Alliance AERA Minister are truly world-class academics?

Mr C Murphy: That is a judgement for university to make. We are not in the business of making that judgement. Given that there was a public element to the appointment process, we wanted to ensure that the university was satisfied that its recruitment processes were followed in accordance with its own procedures in that instance, and that is what we were assured about. We did not ask any questions about the status of the candidates.

Mr C Murphy: Research indicates that, due to our large agriculture sector, we have significant potential to use biomethane to support our path to net zero. Biomethane can provide a locally produced and sustainable source of energy that could help to decarbonise the gas network and transport while enhancing the security of our energy supply and improving waste management practices. Biomethane could present significant economic opportunities for the rural economy by creating good jobs, raising productivity and addressing historical regional imbalances. There is also potential to develop new revenue streams from by-products of the production process, such as digestate and biogenic CO2. My Department is currently working towards a policy framework to support the development of an economic and sustainable biomethane sector.

Ms Sheerin: I thank the Minister for that answer. Minister, what actions are you taking to support the development of the mid-Ulster biorefinery cluster?

Mr C Murphy: I recently visited the companies involved in the mid-Ulster biorefinery cluster to discuss their plans to create a nutrient energy and carbon services sector based on a centralised agricultural feedstock biorefinery. I was interested to hear about the project and the opportunities and challenges that the cluster faces. I have agreed to schedule a round-table meeting with the biorefinery cluster and senior officials from my Department, the Department for Infrastructure and DAERA to facilitate a discussion on a range of issues, including planning, single farm payments and nutrient management policy.

I was also pleased to see that the project was recently awarded £4 million by DAERA under its sustainable utilisation of livestock slurry phase 2 project, which will fund mobile slurry separators to produce feedstock for anaerobic digestion.

Mr Buckley: There is huge potential with biomethane, and it is encouraging to see such innovation in the mid-Ulster area in particular and further afield. Does the Minister anticipate any clauses in the new regulatory Bill that will come forward from the Department that will deal specifically with the direct injection of biomethane into the grid?

Mr C Murphy: Biomethane has already been used in the gas network in, I think, the Dungannon area. There are targets to increase that usage by, I think, up to 30% over the coming years. We are already on the way in developing how biomethane is used. We see it as one of the key elements in our drive towards net zero and towards sustainable and secure energy supplies. I am sure that, in consideration of regulations or any other matters that the Department is dealing with, we will make sure that that is in line with our desire to see the economy grow sustainably around biomethane.

Ms McLaughlin: We recently had a briefing at the Economy Committee from Professor David Rooney, your critical expert in net zero. He suggested that, at the current rate, net zero will be reached only by 2118 if we continue to work at the pace that we are working at. That is 68 years after 2050. Does that concern you, and what are you doing to ensure that we are within target?

Mr Speaker: That is a bit of a distance from the original question, but I will leave it in your hands, Minister.

Mr C Murphy: I might take up the rest of Question Time. [Laughter.]

It is a recognition that it is a huge challenge, and it is a warning to us that we have to proceed at a much greater pace than we have been doing to date. It is a whole-of-Executive challenge, and that is why, when I had a meeting with the biomethane companies, I wanted to arrange a meeting with DAERA and the Department for Infrastructure. There is no point in one Department giving people support to advance our objectives towards net zero and other Departments either being a hindrance or not providing the same support. It is a whole-of-Executive project, and it will reach the ambitious targets that we want to reach only if there is a whole-of-Executive buy-in. We need Departments to work at pace and work together to achieve that.

Mr C Murphy: Our apprenticeship system has been growing, and we now have over 13,000 apprentices. However, women, people with disabilities and people from disadvantaged areas are under-represented. I want to address barriers to participation in apprenticeships for those groups. The apprenticeship inclusion challenge fund will drive collaboration across the education, business and voluntary and community sectors to develop and deliver innovative solutions to those inclusion challenges. I am pleased to update Members that the fund, which is worth more than £600,000, opened for applications on Wednesday 30 October. The fund will connect more people across our communities with good job opportunities, promote regional balance and inspire lifelong learning, in line with my economic priorities. Projects will commence in January 2025.

Ms K Armstrong: Thank you, Minister. What proactive engagement will you undertake to promote the apprenticeship inclusion challenge fund among businesses and individuals in order to meet your targets?

Mr C Murphy: There was already significant engagement before the fund opened. I think that there have been over 200 sessions with over 200 stakeholders across education, training, employers, industry and the voluntary and community sectors.

Those sessions were intended to help to raise awareness of the fund and encourage participation.

As I said, the fund has opened. The application window will be open for six weeks and will close on 6 December. I encourage all elected public representatives who have an interest in the area to make sure that they spread the word among their constituents.

Mr Boylan: Will the Minister expand on who is eligible to apply for the funding?

Mr C Murphy: Over £600,000 has been put into the fund. Applications have been open since 30 October and will close after six weeks. We encourage applications from people who have experience or interest in the apprenticeship system and also from organisations that are not directly involved in current apprenticeships delivery but have an interest in becoming involved in that, because we certainly want to expand the proposition for apprentices and try to get as many people as possible involved in that.

Mr C Murphy: Since its launch in November 2023, Go Succeed has established itself as a key part of our economic infrastructure. It is clear that it is having a positive impact on local entrepreneurs and businesses. To date, Go Succeed has provided start-up support to over 4,300 individuals across the North. Over 3,200 businesses have been provided with advice and guidance on how to grow their businesses. Almost 650 grants have been allocated to local entrepreneurs and their businesses.

I commend our councils on Go Succeed's progress to date. I look forward to working in partnership with them to support businesses across the North in future.

Mr McGuigan: I thank the Minister for his response. What is his response to the British Government's proposal to reduce the Shared Prosperity Fund?

Mr C Murphy: We pressed them for some time to ensure that the Shared Prosperity Fund was continued. That was part of the Budget announcement. That was welcome because we were heading towards a cliff edge in relation to funding for the Go Succeed project. As part of that announcement, there was a caveat, if you like, in that the Shared Prosperity Fund was to be reduced by 40%. Obviously, we have to analyse what that means for the Go Succeed programme, which, as I have outlined, has been very successful. We want to see it continue at the same level. Tomorrow, I will be in London to have a range of meetings with Ministers on that and a number of other matters. I intend to raise that directly with the British Government tomorrow.

Mr Honeyford: Minister, you talked about the success of Go Succeed. Will you give your assessment of its success when you have benchmarked it against similar schemes in GB or the South?

Mr C Murphy: We are constantly assessing it. When a programme comes to an end, there is an assessment of what it has achieved. I have outlined some of the statistics for Go Succeed. There is obviously feedback from those who operate it in councils, enterprise agencies and others who are involved. There are also benchmarking exercises against other programmes. Given the uncertainty that has hung over funding in the past number of months, the determination was to make sure that funding was there to allow it to continue. As I said, we have largely secured that. There is still a question mark over the full level of funding. I intend to pursue that tomorrow. The strong focus on trying to continue the programme is a measure of the belief in its success. Of course, we will continue to assess its effectiveness as it goes along.

Mr Middleton: The Minister will be aware that Invest NI is going through a series of reforms. Obviously, there has been a look at subregional offices and what that will mean for local areas. Does he see Go Succeed continuing in its current format, or will that also be looked at in its fitting in with those subregional plans and the plans of Invest NI?

Mr C Murphy: Go Succeed comes from a funding stream that was provided directly from London. Given our challenged financial circumstances, it was important that that funding stream would continue to support that, because a significant chunk of what Invest NI and regional balance seek to do is to secure start-ups and business growth across the whole region and to provide advice and support to businesses to allow them to grow, improve productivity, create good jobs and achieve more regional balance. In the first instance, we will look to continue that programme. The outworking of that will be aligned with the priorities that we have set, and with Invest NI's priorities. The idea is that partnerships, supported by councils, will come together to decide their own economic priorities. I have no doubt that start-ups, business support and support for growth will be very much part of every area's regional prioritisation of where they want to go with the economy. It will continue to be an important programme, and, of course, we will try to align it with our priorities for regional balance.

Mr C Murphy: Tourism is incredibly important to Ireland. It is a major part of our economy, and it helps to spread prosperity right across the island. In 2024, Tourism Ireland completed an analysis of the return on marketing and investment. For 2023, it calculated a return on investment of 25:1 for the top four markets of the US, Britain, Germany and France. The market that delivered the greatest return on the investment based on total investor spend was the US, at 48:1. That confirms it as a particularly important market for us. It is vital that we build on those impressive figures and support our tourism providers in showcasing Ireland's tourism offering. As part of that, I recently attended engagements with global tourism operators in Chicago, Toronto and London, having attended meetings with them in New York earlier in the year.

Mr Delargy: I thank the Minister for his answer. What will be the impact of the additional £6 million in Tourism Ireland's 2024 business plan?

Mr C Murphy: Any additional money for Tourism Ireland will have a significant impact. This morning, NISRA released quarter 1 tourism statistics, which, for the first time, include an estimate of day trips taken to the North. That, along with overnight stays, shows the extent of the growth of our tourism business over the past number of years. We want to continue to encourage more growth. Promotional activity undertaken by Tourism Ireland saw £2 million spent on consumer advertising, £3 million on e-marketing and almost £1 million on targeted cooperative marketing with air and sea carriers. Based on that recent return and the statistics that were produced this morning, that is a growing success. We want to try to continue to encourage that.

Mr Brett: Minister, the York Aviation report commissioned by your Department highlighted the agnostic nature of the location of air links to this island by Tourism Ireland as having a disproportionately negative impact here in Northern Ireland. When will you bring forward your route development proposals, as highlighted in that report?

Mr C Murphy: I do not share that view. The promotion by Tourism Ireland of the whole island has been increasing in strength. We have benefited significantly. As I said, the figures that were released this morning show that 5·4 million overnight trips were taken to the North between March 2023 and March 2024. That includes £1·2 billion of spend. Tourism Ireland promotes tourism off the island, and 37% of those trips were from outside of the island. In addition, 16·3 million day trips were taken, which is about another £1·1 billion of spend. We can see the investment in promotion, advertising and targeting markets. I was present at some of the engagements that have targeted tour operators in the United States, Canada and London. You can see that that promotion, which is run by Tourism Ireland, has become very effective in providing visitors to here and a very significant spend, which, of course, is vital to our tourism and hospitality industry.

Mr McNulty: Minister, you will know that, for years, my SDLP colleagues and I have been campaigning for the inclusion of counties Armagh and Down in Ireland's Ancient East. Will you provide an update on the efforts that you have made with the Irish Government and tourism bodies to support that campaign's becoming a reality?

Mr C Murphy: The Member has not been alone in that campaign, although I am not surprised that he speaks on his own behalf. I have overseen the arrangement between the three tourism bodies on the island and both Departments to come together on a number of issues, but, very particularly, in relation to the Fáilte Ireland brands. There has already been investment from the Fáilte brand in relation to the Causeway coast. There has been significant progress on Ireland's Hidden Heartlands, involving Fermanagh and Omagh District Council, since joining that brand. We are in discussion about the Ireland's Ancient East brand and the benefits that that would undoubtedly bring, given what that tourism branding brings to the east coast of Ireland. Much work has been undertaken since I came into office, and, as I said, we have put together both Departments and all three tourism agencies for the first time to work specifically on that project.

Ms D Armstrong: Minister, the introduction of the electronic travel authorisation is being seen as a barrier to the transit to Northern Ireland of international tourists who arrive in Dublin. What steps is Tourism Ireland taking to mitigate that and prevent any damage to our local tourism industry?

Mr C Murphy: Taking action is a matter for me, as the Minister responsible. Tourism Ireland does promotion and advertising. The tourism industry as a whole is very much aware of it. Of our international visitors, 70% come through Dublin. Any barriers that are presented in that regard will have a significant chilling effect on the number of people who come north of the border. That is very important, particularly when we look at the statistics for the US market, because the spend and the return on investment in advertisement from there is very significant.

We have continually raised that issue. I wrote to the Minister responsible in London to seek an urgent meeting. I am pleased to say that I will meet the Minister tomorrow to press the case on the proposed electronic travel authorisation, which I think will have a very negative impact on tourism here.

Mr C Murphy: The Magee expansion task force's interim report outlined a series of asks for the key stakeholders, including Departments, Ulster University, Derry City and Strabane District Council and others. The task force is progressing to address those asks and engaging with stakeholders to secure their commitment and action in advancing the expansion. I am pleased to report that progress remains on track. The task force will present its action plan in December. It will outline a clear road map to achieve the target of 10,000 students in Derry at the earliest possible date.

This year, I have allocated funding for an additional 500 undergraduate places at Magee, and I recently announced plans to offer tuition fee loans for graduate entry medical school students.

Mr McHugh: Gabhaim buíochas leis an Aire as ucht a fhreagra.

What engagement has there been with other Departments about the expansion of Magee?

Mr C Murphy: As I said in response to an earlier question, the Magee expansion is not just a commitment in the New Decade, New Approach agreement by all the parties and both Governments; it is now a priority in the Programme for Government. Given the clear message in the interim report that the Magee expansion requires the collective support of the entire Executive, I shared the interim report with my Executive colleagues to seek feedback on it and their commitment to the expansion. I have received several responses. The task force will consider those responses and determine what further information is required.

Officials from my Department have had discussions with their counterparts in the Department of Health and the Department for Infrastructure regarding the Magee expansion. Additionally, a representative from the Department of Health is a member of the task force, and DFI officials presented at the task force meeting on 9 October.

Mr C Murphy: I recognise the importance of trade missions and their contribution to the delivery of my economic plans. In September, I travelled to the US and Canada with 12 innovative technology companies, receiving universally positive feedback. I met business leaders and politicians to strengthen transatlantic relationships and launched the Canadian Advisory Council to support the North's trade and FDI strategy. Recently, I returned from a technology mission to Singapore, in collaboration with Enterprise Ireland and IDA Ireland, with seven fintech companies, which led to positive business opportunities. The mission reflects my commitment to fostering collaboration across the island for greater economic impact. Last month, eight companies participated in a successful multi-sector mission to Mexico with Invest NI, marking the first mission since the new office opened.

Ms Kimmins: I thank the Minister for his answer. I understand that representatives from EOS IT Solutions were on the Singapore trade mission last week. Will the Minister say more about that company?

Mr Speaker: Briefly, Minister.

Mr C Murphy: Representatives from EOS IT Solutions were on that visit. It is a very successful and growing company in the Banbridge area.

We had the opportunity to visit one of its client companies, Meta, in the Singapore office. We were hugely impressed not just by the work that EOS IT Solutions has been carrying out and the opportunities that it creates overseas for its business, which is based here, and for its employees who are based here but by its professionalism and the high regard in which it is held by very significant global companies. That company is on a significant upward trajectory, and I look forward to continuing to work with it.

Mr Speaker: We now move to topical questions.

Mr C Murphy: Invest NI runs a number of programmes to support businesses. Support for small businesses in particular comes through a number of measures that relate to other Departments, including rates relief. There was no specific bid from the Department, because this was returned money that would have been spent in this financial year. That would not allow the development of new processes to start to deliver money. In our bids for funding, we want to support businesses through other measures such as skills, with a talented pool of employees being available to them and by supporting our colleges and universities to provide skills and training opportunities for young people. There are many ways to support businesses rather than through direct cash grants. That would not have been the process to apply if the Department had other programmes like that in mind.

Ms McLaughlin: Thank you, Minister, for your answer. The pressures of costs and inflation have not gone away, and businesses are really struggling. Many business organisations have said that it is sometimes difficult to meet the Minister. Will you commit to meeting representatives of small businesses, such as the Federation of Small Businesses (FSB), Retail NI, Hospitality Ulster and our regional chambers, as a collective, so that, together, you can address some of their challenges?

Mr C Murphy: I have met all the organisations that you have mentioned several times in the past six or nine months. If they want to meet as a collective, as you suggest, I invite them to write to me, and I will arrange to meet them as a collective as soon as we can. I have to correct the sense that it is difficult to secure a meeting with me: I have met all those organisations — many of them many times — in the nine months that I have been in office. I will continue to meet them in the time ahead.

Mr C Murphy: We do not have that information, to be honest. We are charged with supporting the development of economic routes along with the airports. We do not gather information on that.

Mr Carroll: I thank the Minister. I appreciate that you may not have the information, but what have you and your officials done to get it? There can be no passing of the buck, given that airports fall under your remit. What have you and your Department done to get information about what is on those planes? There is serious public concern about the issue. There are monthly protests at the airport. Given the concerns that have been raised about Shannon Airport and Belfast International Airport, it is the Department's duty to —

Mr Speaker: We have the question, Mr Carroll. There is no need to move into a speech.

Mr C Murphy: If the Member has information to supply, I will be happy to follow it up with the airport authorities. I am not sure. In relation to similar questions that I have heard, it is generally about flights coming from the United States that go through those airports, so I am not aware. We have no direct connection from the North to the United States. If there are specific questions that, the Member thinks, need to be asked, he should send them to me, and I will be happy to see whether the airport can answer them.

Mr C Murphy: There is a range of measures. The recently launched regional balance strategy means that the emphasis in support has to shift from being largely Belfast-based and go out to rural economies and regions, including to the north-west and border areas, to make sure that there is support there. Earlier, I answered questions earlier about energy and talked about biomethane, wind and renewable energy generally. There are great opportunities for those in rural areas, because that is where a lot of those industries are located.

As I said, we are trying to encourage a refocus in Invest NI not just on FDI but on start-ups, the growth of our indigenous businesses and opportunities that will promote dual market access for our companies across the region to grow and export to Europe. As I said, our drive towards green technology and net zero perhaps lends itself more to rural economies than to urban ones, and we will continue to promote those industries and try to secure support for them. There is a lot happening in rural areas. There needs to be more, which is why we have set more ambitious targets for growth outside Belfast.

Mr Crawford: Thank you, Minister, for your answer. How does your Department measure the economic impact of policies that specifically target rural areas, and how often are those assessments carried out?

Mr C Murphy: The whole purpose of the review of Invest NI — Invest NI being the delivery mechanism for the Department's policies — was to measure the outcomes. There was a significant critique of Invest NI's focus, its relationship with the Department and the misalignment of policy objectives between the Department and Invest NI, so we have changed the focus of Invest NI, set targets for outside Belfast and ensured that we align departmental policy and Invest NI policy. All the other agencies in the Department — tourism and all the other agencies that work with the Department — are subject to the prioritisation that I laid out at the start of my tenure as Minister for the Economy. That is a new direction, and we have measurable targets for it, so we will continue to assess its effectiveness as we move ahead.

Mr C Murphy: I am not suggesting that I am aware of that specific issue, but, as I said in response to an earlier question, I am aware that, if we want to meet our targets on net zero — there is a range of areas where we are moving simultaneously, such as wind, biomethane, hydrogen and geothermal — we need all Departments to act together. Planning is very much part of that, because there is no point in some Departments pursuing and supporting growth in certain industries only to find that there are planning restrictions or interpretations of planning policy that hold things up.

I spoke about the mid-Ulster biorefinery cluster earlier, and we are setting up a meeting between Infrastructure, DAERA and us to work through those issues. Departments need to work together to make sure that the accelerated growth that we need to meet our net zero targets is part of an all-Executive approach. All Departments need to work together to make sure that that is achieved.

Mr K Buchanan: I thank the Minister for his answer. Minister, will you commit to working with the airport to resolve the restriction on wind generation? The planning is there, but the airport is the bottleneck.

Mr C Murphy: In the first instance, the Member might find that, if it is a planning issue, it is between Infrastructure and the airport. However, I am content to work with other Ministers. I repeatedly and continuously work and have conversations with other Ministers about what we are doing collectively in that area. When it comes to energy, DAERA, Infrastructure and my Department have a significant collective interest in making sure that our targets in that regard and our development of wind energy and other energies move ahead at pace. I am not precious about whether we take the lead on that, but I am happy to be part of the discussion.

Mr C Murphy: All of the interests of my Department will be discussed. As I said in response to the question about the ETA scheme, we will meet Ministers about that issue and about energy and trade. I think that I have five meetings set up over the course of the day with Ministers in Whitehall. We have had many engagements, mostly online, and we want to take the opportunity to go over and meet face to face to pursue some of the issues that we want to pursue. Those issues include the enhanced investment zone. Now that we have finally received word, as part of the Budget, that that investment is available to us, we want to make sure that we develop that at pace.

There will be a range of meetings across five departmental areas that coincide with my ministerial responsibilities in order to ensure that we advance on all that.

Mr Boylan: I thank the Minister for his answer. Does the Minister agree that the Go Succeed programme is very effective in supporting small businesses and that its budget should be maintained under the Shared Prosperity Fund?

Mr C Murphy: Yes, and one of the engagements that we will have is on that. As I said in response to an earlier question, Go Succeed has been a very effective programme. The concern over recent months is that there has been a kind of cliff-edge movement in funding. As part of the Budget, it was announced that there would be a further year of the Shared Prosperity Fund but with a 40% reduction. I do not know whether that applies right across the board or to specific projects. We want to tease that out.

Go Succeed has been a very successful project for us in our ambition for start-up and business growth across the region. We want to ensure that the programme succeeds. Those are the conversations that we will have tomorrow.

Mr C Murphy: The stats, which NISRA released just this morning, run from March 2023 to March 2024. They reference that 5·4 million overnight trips were taken, with a £1·2 billion spend. Some 52% of those were for holidays, 37% were to visit friends and 7% were for business purposes, although people would have perhaps imagined that that was a larger market. About 37% of them were from outside the island. Again, that lends itself to the promotion activities of Tourism Ireland. There were 16·3 million day trips taken, and that is about a £1·1 billion spend. That is largely made up of residents on the island itself.

Those figures are encouraging. Our tourism figures are getting to beyond where they were pre-pandemic, and, obviously, our tourism and hospitality industries continue to struggle with a range of costs, especially for energy. They are trying to recover from the pandemic experience, and the ongoing challenges include inflationary costs as well. Those are encouraging figures, and, obviously, we want to do all that is in our power to encourage sustainable tourism growth across the North.

Ms Á Murphy: I thank the Minister for his answer. Given the fact that Fermanagh and South Tyrone depends heavily on tourism, those statistics are quite encouraging. Does the Minister agree that those successes underline the need for the British Government to withdraw their ETA scheme?

Mr C Murphy: Yes. We need to ensure that no barriers are placed in the way of tourism. It is a very important industry for our island, perhaps much more than it is for Britain. The Government need to recognise the particular circumstances that we have: we are the entry point for most of our international visitors; the importance of small businesses outside our main urban areas, which very much rely on tourism and tourism trade; and a hospitality sector that has been under the cosh for quite some time, particularly as a consequence of the pandemic and inflation. I do not think that any barriers should be placed in the way of those. As I say, we will have discussions tomorrow with a range of departmental areas in London to ensure that we promote all our business interests.

Mr Speaker: Question 7 has been withdrawn.

Mr C Murphy: I am pleased to say that the design group is up and running. The social enterprise awards were held last Friday night, but I missed them due to my travels. However, it was a very successful event. When I came into office, we tried to focus on increasing the support that the Department gives to Social Enterprise NI and on supporting social enterprise, which I did when I was at the Finance Department. We put together a task force to work on a number of priority areas for social enterprise, and I understand that a report from that task force will come to me shortly. I look forward to receiving it and to delivering on the requests that it will contain.

Ms Ní Chuilín: Minister, will you confirm or advise whether, when you look at that report, social value in procurement will feature in the new action plan for the sector?

Mr C Murphy: Social value in procurement was introduced when I was Finance Minister, and, obviously, the responsibility for and interest in increasing the percentage of social value in procurement will now fall to the current Finance Minister. There is no doubt, from the reports that we receive, that that has significantly increased the business profile and growth of social enterprise. I look forward to seeing that follow through to the 20% that we originally envisaged. I know that the Finance Minister is keen to support that.

Mr Speaker: That brings to a conclusion questions to the Minister for the Economy. Members, please take your ease while we change the Chair.

Mr Brooks: I beg to move amendment No 1:

Mr Deputy Speaker (Dr Aiken): David, do you need a reminder of how much time you have?

Mr Brooks: Do I have 10 minutes?

Mr Deputy Speaker (Dr Aiken): You have indeed.

Mr Brooks: Thank you, Mr Deputy Speaker. The issues before us today are issues that we would all like to see resolved. We all want the same outcomes: to reduce or remove the undue financial pressure placed on parents where uniform policies are unreasonable and to ensure that families are able to provide nutrition for their children. At a time when the Education budget is under intense pressure, in addressing poverty, which is, essentially, what holiday hunger measures are about, the Executive must introduce coherent and joined-up measures across Departments. It does not naturally sit, certainly not solely, with Education. The Member who proposed the motion spoke about this not disappearing into the Executive abyss. We should, of course, be holding the Executive to account, but the reticence of some Departments to work jointly in the past should not deter a focus on cross-departmental working on such huge cross-cutting issues or excuse a lack of it. It is not just on this issue. Other Members have pushed worthy initiatives around children's health and well-being in the past, but it is legitimate to ask where those responsibilities sit. Just as it is not fair or reasonable that a teacher should continually have more non-educational tasks added to their duties, so we must also ensure that Departments or agencies are living up to their responsibilities as they pertain to young people.

In Scotland, support is provided through local authorities and Social Security Scotland. As a former councillor and the husband of a current councillor, I declare an interest and acknowledge that, if councils are to provide support, they will require funding. Again, that requires Executive consideration. When we talk about disappearing into the Executive abyss, we should remember that the Executive are our Government. Governing, including joint working, is their role. It is a Government that the party of the Member who proposed the motion chooses to be part of, even if, as we saw yesterday, it does not necessarily honour the conventions and, I argue, the responsibilities that come with the office that it holds. The Welsh Government have explained that the extension of free school meal periods was a time-limited intervention in response to the pandemic, and they have not indicated the intention to reintroduce it. What provision there is comes through holiday club schemes funded by central government.

It is just a fact that there were benefits that the Executive were able to roll out in unconventional ways during that period, where significant extra money was made available centrally, and it is not reasonable to expect, even where they were positive and things that we would all desire, that they would all continue in the way that we all may wish. Many of us will have read the Trussell Trust 'Hunger in Northern Ireland' report and engaged regularly with Trussell and its member food banks. The rise in demand for their services has been steeper in Northern Ireland than anywhere else. In the five years preceding 2022-23 — I understand the unique circumstances for some of that time — the Trussell network increased by 141% here. My office is just a few doors down from a local food bank. As a side note, we understand that we should not need their services but it is clear that we do, and I want to acknowledge and thank them for that work. Like other colleagues, I and my office regularly work with them to assist those in society who are struggling and, for a variety of reasons and in very contrasting circumstances, require help. We all want to and, I hope, do work to support families that are in a time of crisis and acute need.

I understand why anti-poverty campaigners argue for the holiday hunger scheme, but the scheme was always intended as a temporary and time-limited solution during the pandemic. That does not mean that the need that existed before does not still exist. Campaigners will rightly argue and fight for anything that they believe will help, and none of the campaigns they fight is exclusive of wider anti-poverty campaigning. I understand that, but this is an area that should be a whole-Executive effort and a whole-Executive priority, and it can only be properly addressed by whole-Executive initiatives. Indeed, with the price of food rising globally, some levers are beyond the devolved Government. We will all have acknowledged and felt that when packing our shopping baskets. The Consumer Council says that nine in 10 consumers are worried about the cost of their food shop. That said, I recognise, as we all will, that frustration for some is a crisis for others.

I have read amendment No 2 and, again, have empathy with the ultimate aims and aspirations, but it calls for a plan to widen free school meals. All I will say is that there is a need for all of us in the Chamber to be honest with people about what can be done and what choices are before us. Health speaks of the need for more money, but without significant movement on reform over many years. In fairness to Minister Nesbitt, he seems to be making more positive sounds on this, but the point still stands. We could make similar points on water infrastructure. We too oppose water charges, but other options have been ruled out without necessarily a clear plan to move forward. We are all sinners in this place in calling for things, at times, without outlining clearly where the money should come from. Other Members have called for the reinstatement of the excellent Healthy Happy Minds scheme. Few of us will not have requested new schools or facilities in our constituencies. We all want more done, and faster, around childcare.

Mr Butler: Will the Member give way?

Mr Brooks: Yes, I am happy to.

Mr Butler: The Member raises a really good point, and I do not disagree about being honest with the electorate on what can be achieved. However, the Member's party, before the last two elections, announced significant build projects that run into hundreds of millions of pounds. There was a debate on the radio this morning about when they will actually be built. I agree with the Member's statement, but we all have to hold ourselves to the same account.

Mr Brooks: My understanding is that there is a method and a pipeline for those projects that the Member is talking about. It is about getting those things under way. I have said that I do not think anyone in this place has not been guilty, at times, of calling for things — enthusiastically and maybe quite genuinely — without thinking through the cost implications and what might have to be cut.

We all call for these things, and some also want the Minister to take on more responsibility for over-19s, who are currently beyond his remit. I could go on to list the other projects that cost hundreds of millions of pounds that others in the Chamber have championed in recent months, but the point has been made. This is the job of a Minister, and the Education Minister is not one to duck those responsibilities. What will Members propose cutting? What difficult decisions will they make? Let me be clear: nobody is arguing for the needs of those who are hungry or in poverty not to be met. Nobody is saying that families should not be supported but, while we struggle to meet current provisions, each request for the Department to do more must surely be in that context.

Time is moving on, and I accept that I have laboured on that point. I will move to school uniforms. I think that it is clear that the Minister is moving forward. He is regularly engaging with all stakeholders and has consulted, which is the duty of the Department. That consultation closed in September, I believe, with considerable feedback to be processed.

Consultation, by the way, to comment on Mr Butler's remarks, is not merely procrastination but a duty on the Department. Committee members, from our limited engagement on the issues, will be aware that, while all parties want to see improvements, there are complexities and impacts that are worthy of consideration. I am confident that the Minister shares our determination to support families in this area, and I look forward to the update that he will provide this afternoon.

The Minister is on record as saying that he would be delighted to match or go beyond other parts of the UK on the uniform grant, but that is a resource issue, and given recent days, it should not come as a surprise to anyone, least of all the Ulster Unionist Party, that no Minister gets everything that they want. Indeed, it may note that some have received considerably less than others. If we are to indulge a return to holiday hunger, perhaps Mr Butler could outline the contribution that the Health Department wishes to make to what is, ultimately a public health initiative. I suspect, however, that there are issues that will take precedence.

Our amendment recognises the struggles that families are facing and asks the Minister of Education:

I commend it to the House.

Mr Mathison: I beg to move amendment No 2:

Mr Deputy Speaker (Dr Aiken): The Assembly should note that the amendments are mutually exclusive, so, if amendment No 1 is made, the Question will not be put on amendment No 2. You will have 10 minutes to propose amendment No 2 and five minutes to make a winding-up speech. All other Members will have five minutes.

Mr Mathison: I am proposing the Alliance amendment to the motion. I thank the Members who tabled the motion, which gives us the opportunity to highlight the severe burden of holiday hunger and the high cost of school uniforms, particularly PE kits and branded items, on families across Northern Ireland.

We tabled our amendment because we feel that the motion is broad and general in scope and lacks clear, specific calls for action. While we support the spirit of it, we want the amendment to add a little more. We will not support the DUP amendment, which appears to ask us to welcome action on holiday hunger, when I have heard no evidence of action having been taken to address that. It calls on us to welcome something that has not taken place, which would be an odd thing for us to endorse.

I fully appreciate the funding pressures, as Mr Brooks highlighted, being experienced by the Education Department. Nobody is going to argue with that today, but I am not going to vote for an amendment to welcome something that has not taken place. The fact that the Department is strapped for cash does not make it any more sensible to do that. Neither can we look to a future anti-poverty strategy, which I would love to see progressed, but it is, as yet, unfunded and its content is, as yet, unknown. Again, I cannot accept that.

Mr Allen: Will the Member give way?

Mr Mathison: I will give way, yes.

Mr Allen: Does the Member recognise that, had this place not been abruptly pulled down for a considerable number of years, we might already have seen action on these important issues?

Mr Mathison: Absolutely: I agree entirely. It is one of any number of strategies that we have been waiting for in this place for a long time. The continued cycle of collapse of the institutions does nothing to progress any of that.

As I said, I am not going to welcome an unfunded, unpublished strategy as a solution to these issues. Our amendment therefore asks for something more specific but not just on the subject of holiday hunger, as we have tried to widen it to include the broader food poverty issues that are being experienced by children in schools.

We know, as I have emphasised, as Mr Brooks has emphasised and, I have no doubt, as the Minister will emphasise, the Department is cash-strapped. We still await the conclusion of the review of the eligibility criteria for free school meals and for the school uniform grant, which we have been promised for a very long time. Since I was elected in 2022, I have been asking for that, and I have been repeatedly promised that it is coming, but I have yet to see it. That is not an action with huge associated costs, but it would at least allow us to look at costed policy options to tackle some of the issues affecting children in our schools.

Our amendment also calls on the Minister to set out a plan to widen access to free school meals. Again, that is about setting a direction of travel to start to address the food poverty issues that affect our children and young people. I recognise UNISON's recent campaign that advocated universal free school meals, which is an aspiration that we would all probably be able to sign up to.

Mr Martin: I thank the Member for giving way. He mentioned recently that the anti-poverty strategy was funded. The Alliance amendment:

Is that funded?

Mr Mathison: I thank the Member for his intervention. If you let me continue, I will address some of those points.

I was making the point that we can all support in principle the call to widen access to free school meals, but, of course, the issue of funding makes it more challenging to deliver. I am not suggesting that we should have an overnight flip from our current model to universal provision. Again, we need to look at policy options. We should begin to set a bit of ambition about where we might like to get to, even if we know that we cannot do it overnight, as is the case in many instances.

Mr Carroll: Will the Member give way?

Mr Mathison: I am going to run out of time, but I will give way. After that, I will need to make some progress.

Mr Carroll: Leaving aside the obvious moral benefits of universal access to free school meals, does the Member agree that an economic saving could be made because it would prevent children from having to go to dentists, A&E and so on and that, therefore, even in that limited context, it has benefits?

Mr Mathison: I absolutely agree. Again, I hope that the Minister can cover that in his remarks. It is not just for the Education Minister; it is for the Health Minister and other Ministers. If we were to look at a more universal application of free school meals, we would see, as research has shown, that it has educational and health benefits. The Children's Services Co-operation Act (Northern Ireland) 2015 has been mentioned many times in this place as a mechanism that could be used to start taking a more joined-up approach to policymaking.

The motion is right to express "grave concern" about the impact of holiday hunger, and I welcome the call for the Minister to provide an update on how he plans to address it. As I referenced in relation to Mr Carroll's comments, this is an area — I do not disagree entirely with everything Mr Brooks said — where the Departments of Health, Communities and Education need to work together, utilise the Children's Services Co-operation Act and tackle the problem. I would like to see that move beyond lip service. Officials tell us that they are collaborating, but what that really means is that they meet. They meet, talk and discuss, but that is not collaboration. Will we see movement towards joint planning, joint commissioning of services and pooling of resources to deliver on tackling issues like holiday hunger? I do not say that that all sits with one Minister; it is about collaborative action.

Our amendment also goes further on the subject of school uniforms. I recognise that the Minister has put that out to consultation for legislation. I welcome and commend him for that. The rapid action that was taken is to be welcomed. It is also welcome that the consultation included the option of a cost cap, something that the Alliance Party has argued for. That represents progress, because, according to Parentkind's most recent survey, which has been referenced a lot today, 66% of parents here have registered school uniforms as a financial concern. It is not acceptable that two thirds of parents find the necessity of sending their child to school with the appropriate uniform to be a financial concern. Legislation is sorely needed, but, when it is delivered, it must be comprehensive enough to make a meaningful difference. It must focus on real solutions. It should include an embedded price cap, and it should certainly contain robust statutory guidance that can be enforced to ensure that uniforms are affordable.

When we look at the legislation on school uniforms in England, we see that the learning from there is that it is too light-touch, there are far too many grey areas, and parents do not end up with the protections that they need to make cost savings. Alliance welcomes the legislation coming forward, and we look forward to the Minister's update on that, but we will keep a very close eye on it to ensure that what is ultimately delivered is effective.

I highlight the all-party group on parental participation in education. Next week, we will launch our report on the cost of accessing education. It is not just about food or uniforms. The report will draw out the many areas, including transport, where parents bear undue costs. Also, the voluntary contributions that many schools require parents to pay can, in some cases, be eye-watering sums of money. It would be good to hear from the Minister about whether there is a wider plan to look at ensuring that we do not place undue cost pressures on parents for accessing any aspect of our education system. I look forward to sharing that report, when it is launched, with the Minister.

In summary, there is absolutely nothing that I object to in the motion, but I ask Members to consider supporting our amendment, which calls for a little bit more. It calls for a clear update on the review of the eligibility criteria for free school meals and uniform grants; a clear plan and commitment from the Education Minister to address holiday hunger — I emphasise this — in conjunction with his Executive colleagues; a clear update from the Minister on whether he plans to even consider widening access to free school meals; and support for legislation on uniforms that does not just tighten the guidance or make recommendations but places real, meaningful duties on boards of governors to address costs.

It is vital that we send a clear message today that we are committed to Northern Ireland's children and our shared belief that no child should go hungry or face unnecessary financial barriers to accessing any aspect of the education system. We cannot accept a situation where any child's potential is hindered by poverty or financial hardship. I urge Members to accept our amendment on that basis.

Mr Deputy Speaker (Dr Aiken): Before I call the next Member, I remind Members to keep their interventions short. You do not have to make them into speeches. We have a lot of space on the speaking list, so you can add your name to it, if you so wish. That will make things run more smoothly.

Mr Sheehan: I am grateful for the opportunity to, once again, talk about holiday hunger and the exorbitant cost of school uniforms. Indeed, it is only a little over six months since my party colleagues and I brought a similar motion to the Chamber to highlight the serious pressures facing so many families here. It is disappointing and frustrating that we come to debate those issues yet again with no meaningful solutions yet in place. It was the Minister's predecessor, Michelle McIlveen, who promised action on soaring uniform costs back in 2021. Over three years later, tens of thousands of families still wait for support.

The research speaks for itself. The Irish League of Credit Unions investigated the issue and found that families forked out, on average, £918 for primary-school uniforms and £1,086 for secondary-school uniforms. That is an increase of £81 for parents of primary-school children and £97 for parents of secondary-school children, when compared with the 2023 research. The situation puts people into debt and forces them to go without other essentials, but it is entirely avoidable, if we make the right interventions now. It also creates a financial barrier to some young people attending particular schools, because, when parents see the cost of the uniform for a school and know that they cannot afford it, they do not even think about sending their child there. We need to legislate to drive down costs by insisting that schools have competitive tendering processes. We also need to remove the requirement for expensive branded items, especially PE gear. The Minister has the tools at his disposal to do that. He needs to get a move on and support families now.

On the issue of free school meals, I commend my colleague Danny Baker. Danny has been a champion on the issue and, in the absence of a plan or any action from the Minister, is bringing forward a private Member's Bill (PMB) to ensure that children and families are supported during school holidays. If people are serious about ending holiday hunger, they should take the opportunity to feed back in the consultation on that PMB and support it when it comes to the Chamber.

The issue is vital. The Department of Education's vision is for every child and young person to be happy, learning and succeeding. Can anyone explain to me how a child can be happy, learning and succeeding if they cannot get proper, nutritional meals during the school holidays? Holiday hunger affects around 100,000 children and young people. That is tens of thousands of families who face that cliff edge when each term ends.

The links between educational underachievement and deprivation are well known, and the evidence suggests that some children who return to school can often be intellectually or developmentally weeks or months behind classmates who have access to a more wholesome diet during the school holidays.

Members will cite the financial situation that the Executive find themselves in as a reason not to support ending holiday hunger or not to provide support towards uniform costs, but what is the cost of not making an intervention? The reality is that society will pay for this situation in the long run, so let us intervene early. The evidence for early intervention is overwhelming. Get the families and their children the support that they need. We must strive to ensure that every single child and young person gets the opportunities to succeed and reach their full potential.

Ms Hunter: I welcome the opportunity to speak on the motion. I will start with a number of harrowing statistics. Around 24% of children in Northern Ireland live in poverty, which is higher than in all other places across these islands. Over 100,000 children in the North qualify for free school meals. That is around 30%, which showcases the high level of need that is in this area. A 2023 survey found that, on average, primary-school uniforms cost around £173 and secondary-school uniforms cost around £378. That causes undoubted financial strain on families across the North, with 37% of parents in Northern Ireland going into debt to cover simple aspects of school expenses like uniforms, shoes and other necessary supplies. Yes, there are aspects of government assistance like uniform support grants, which we welcome, but they often do not go far enough and cover only the basics, meaning that parents still feel a level of distress, particularly if they have multiple children. Families work every hour that God sends but really struggle to cover the costs of electricity, uniforms, new school shoes and putting food on the table. Many feel that they have been suffocated and left without adequate support from the Government.

In order to discuss holiday hunger and the cost of uniforms, I need to touch on the importance of the concern that there is about the lack of Executive legislation coming out of this Building. Since the restoration of Stormont in February, the majority of Assembly business has not been focused on the legislation that is desperately needed. This week, this important motion was tabled by colleagues across the House. It is the second time that the issues in the motion have been debated. That reflects the severity of the need for change through legislation. It also echoes the real sincerity across the Chamber on the issue and the urgent need to tackle child poverty. We see the struggle that our constituents face each and every day, particularly on that issue. We must see legislation brought in line with the asks of the motion. Less than half of the Executive's legislative programme for 2024 has been taken forward, and, coming up to Christmas, we have only a few sittings left. Sadly, child poverty continues to be a huge part of our society. Children endure food poverty and poor mental health and come from households and areas that are greatly deprived. We need tangible legislation to meet the needs of our children and young people, with timelines and targets to ensure that the best possible outcomes are available to them.

Transparency about education is vital. We are no strangers to challenges, and we know the pressures that are on the Department and its budget, but I am deeply disappointed that we have not had the chance to catch up with the Minister at a Committee level. I have talked before about how that can open us up to things like cross-party collaboration that allow us to work collectively with the Minister and his Department. We do not need a strained relationship; we need to come together. Ultimately, that lack of communication is to the detriment of creating the best possible legislation from the Education Department.

I echo the Chair of the Education Committee's comments, and we will not support the DUP amendment. We do not feel that there has been adequate support for children or their families who endure poverty, and we will support the Alliance amendment.

Mr Baker: I thank the Members who tabled the motion, which is very important. It was debated in recent months, and, during that time, our community and voluntary sector has been doing the heavy lifting.

Great work is being done by Monkstown Boxing Club and the Lagmore Youth Project, for example. During the summer, I volunteered at Lagmore and ran an eight-week programme. It was to help with holiday hunger — not that any of the children who were participating in the programme knew what it was about. We were able to have it in a Belfast city park, where we had access to play facilities and the pitch. We had fun and games, but we were putting food in their wee bellies. There is deprivation in every part of society. All of us have those issues coming into our constituency offices, but it hits home when you are at the coalface, volunteering. One of the children was pocketing food, on the side, because he wanted to bring it home for his older sister. If we work together, we can make a difference and most certainly protect the most vulnerable children in society, even with our constrained budgets. It is important that we do that.

That is why I have proposed a Member's Bill that aims to tackle holiday hunger and ensure that no child goes hungry. The cost-of-living crisis has deepened, and we are all feeling it in our pockets. Society is feeling it, and we want to help as many people as possible, but it hits a lot harder for some than for others. My Bill seeks to ensure that children who are in receipt of free school meals will continue to get that security during the holiday breaks through direct payments to their families.

The provision of free school meals enables many children to access a nutritious meal, which, in some cases, will be their main meal of the day. That brings with it a range of physical and mental benefits, as well as educational benefits. The links between educational underachievement and deprivation are well known. Evidence suggests that some children returning to school from weeks or months of holiday are intellectually behind classmates who have had access to a wholesome diet during the school holidays. Legislation is needed, now, to make a long-term commitment so that children who need free school meals, and their families, are supported to ensure that they get the nutrition that they need to help fulfil their potential.

The Minister will be aware that, due to the cuts imposed from London, our education system has limited resources. We should be targeting that additional funding to where it is needed the most. Unfortunately, based on my correspondence with the Minister, I know that he has no intention of legislating to end holiday hunger. Hopefully, that has changed. Much work is needed in the time ahead. A number of important steps need to be taken, including encouraging children and young people who are entitled to a free school meal to avail themselves of it. The Minister should, urgently, publish his Department's review of the eligibility criteria for free school meals and uniform grants. Sinn Féin looks forward to responding to that review, and we are open to exploring all the options for increasing the number of children and young people who are able to access free school meals and uniform grants. The Minister's announcement of an interim change to the eligibility criteria for families applying for free school meals and uniform grants was a welcome step in the right direction and will help workers and families to access support.

Tackling poverty and social exclusion and patterns of deprivation, based on objective need, is woven into the Good Friday Agreement, and legislating to end holiday hunger is underpinned by that principle. I fully accept that ending holiday hunger for only those children who are in receipt of free school meals will not go far enough. However, it is a fundamental first step that must be taken on the journey to addressing child poverty and meeting objective need. As I said, by working together, we can help to assure families, ease that pressure and ensure that no child goes hungry, no matter the time of year. The consultation and survey on my Member's Bill have gone live today. I would like Members to help out and contribute by filling in the survey. I look forward to working with everybody on the Bill.

Mrs Mason: I welcome the opportunity to speak on this important issue. As each school year approaches, families across the North face the heavy financial burden of school uniforms and PE gear. We need to ensure that going to school is as easy as possible for every child. That means removing unnecessary barriers, making school uniforms affordable, providing access to a good meal and helping children to get to and from school, with ease.

Too many parents experience sleepless nights over the cost of school uniforms. Families are burdened with debt as they pay hundreds of pounds on uniforms for just one child — some parents going without to ensure that their child is not left without expensive branded items.

The evidence is clear. According to Parentkind, two thirds of parents in the North say that the cost of school uniforms is their top worry. Nearly a third of families struggle to afford the full range of school-related expenses, with the Children's Society revealing that items from specified suppliers can be 50% more expensive. The financial strain is taking a toll on children's education. Save the Children found that one in 10 parents has kept their children out of school because of issues related to school uniform or PE kits. Families should not be priced out of schools. Children, especially, should not be burdened by financial pressures.

The practice of requesting voluntary contributions, which has been mentioned, also adds to pressure on families. Across these islands, the North has the highest number of parents concerned with the cost of regular voluntary contributions to schools. Our schools must be adequately funded. That stark figure only cements the outworkings of years of Tory austerity and the impact that it has had on our public services.

The Department of Education's current guidance on uniform costs fails to make a meaningful impact for struggling families. During my first weeks in the Assembly, this was one of the top issues that was brought to my attention. Following the Sinn Féin motion on the cost of school uniforms, I submitted a proposal for a private Member's Bill on the topic. I welcome the fact that the Department has issued a consultation on this and that the Education Committee is due to get an update in the coming weeks. However, I do feel strongly that the outcome must address this issue fully and urgently. We cannot be sitting here next summer with parents in the exact same situation. Any legislation that is introduced must make an impact on families. It must make a real difference in their pocket and remove any unnecessary barriers to a child's right to an education.

We need a strong commitment to support working families as school costs rise. The Education Authority's uniform grant, as it stands, does not keep pace with the cost of living, and it also needs urgent reform. It is time to establish a fair, competitive tendering process for school uniforms. We need high-quality, affordable uniforms built to last that can be passed down in households or to new pupils, removing requirements for branded items and allowing families to buy from high-street retailers. Families deserve that relief now, more than ever. I am committed to working with everyone right across the Chamber to make sure that it happens. The Education Minister and his Department must act now. It is time for real action to make school accessible, affordable and fair for every single family across the North.

Mr Durkan: Today's discussion goes beyond the perennial debate on rising school costs for parents. It is fundamentally about poverty and the extreme hardship that people face as a result of Executive inaction and, quite frankly, appalling Westminster welfare policies, which are hitting working families the hardest. We used to talk about the JAMs, or the just about managing. Many of today's parents are not managing. They are barely getting by. The worry of being a parent never ends, yet, for 71% of parents, affording school uniform costs is an added anxiety, but school costs do not stop there. With meals, school trips and extracurricular activities, the price of schooling can often seem insurmountable, and for some, impossible.

My office has already been contacted by families anxious about how they will get by over Christmas. Sadly, for some, Santa will not be coming this year. However, gifts are the least of their concerns. Their real worry is that the local food bank, a lifeline for so many, will close during Christmas week. When I made the case for restoring the school holiday food grant ahead of the festive period this year, Minister Givan cited the anti-poverty strategy — a strategy as yet unpublished, let alone delivered, that has been heralded by all Ministers, I think, as a panacea for all our poverty woes. It is appalling that food insecurity continues to impact on families here, and even more appalling that the Executive continue to sidestep responsibility. We get the impact of 14 years of austerity on successive Executives' — at times, no Executive's — ability to deliver for people here, but 95,000 children here are living in poverty. Most of them have at least one parent in work. Food bank demand has reached record levels. Departmental research has shown the previous positive impact of the grant, especially for children with disabilities, who are disproportionately affected by the cuts. Despite clear evidence to support the fact that there is a need for the programme, the Minister's response to my correspondence of last month reflects a refusal to acknowledge the dire situation that families face. A hundred thousand children who qualify for school meals go without that crucial support. The actual number affected is likely to be even higher when we consider that many working families who do not qualify are equally vulnerable, if not more so.

Statistics reveal a sobering picture, particularly following the migration to universal credit, a system that is now in full swing. In 2019, around 1,500 households were impacted on by the callous two-child policy. At that point, the SDLP warned of the escalating poverty to come. I take no satisfaction from having, sadly, been proven right about that. As of May this year, almost 11,000 families were affected by that devastating, poverty-inducing policy.

With universal credit, we also saw a reduction in the income threshold for free school meals and uniform grants from £16,000 to £14,000. I appreciate that the Minister made an intervention to increase that back to £15,000, but that does not negate the fact that many vulnerable families have seen vital support cut. It is barmy that, at a time when daily living costs are soaring and we should be increasing the eligibility threshold, we are stripping that lifeline from a considerable cohort of our poorest children. What kind of society are we creating where children do not have the basics of food and clothes in school?

The Executive's persistent failure to act, coupled with their apparent apathy about rising poverty, is an affront to every parent and child who is struggling to access basic needs. The school holiday food grant must be reinstated immediately, along with meaningful efforts being made to deliver effective legislative change that will protect, not punish, the poorest families.

Mr Gaston: Funding for the school holiday food grant scheme, which provided payments to prevent holiday hunger for around 100,000 children and young people, was withdrawn in March 2023, at a time when we in Northern Ireland were told that we were overspending. At that time, however, it was not acknowledged that, in April 2022, Northern Ireland became the first part of the United Kingdom to be funded below need since the UK Government adopted their UK definition of need through the Holtham formula in 2012. The cost to Northern Ireland of being funded at £3 below need was a £322 million block grant shortfall in 2022-23, which became a recurring deficit that was rolled into the following year, to be joined by the £431 million block grant shortfall for 2023-24, creating a compound of £753 million shortfall in that year. There is no doubt that it was that £753 million shortfall that informed the Education Department's decision, in March 2023, to terminate the school holiday food grant scheme.

Looking across the water to Scotland, we see a jurisdiction that, according to the Treasury's block grant transparency figures, was, at that stage, funded at £21 above need, when Northern Ireland was funded at £3 below need. I could stand here and argue that, because Scotland is funded at £21 above need, Northern Ireland should be funded at £21 above need. However, I do not think that that is a reasonable argument. I do, however, think that it is reasonable to say that being funded below need is so disruptive and dislocating, as illustrated by the termination of the school holiday food grant scheme, that we should be afforded exactly the same protections as the other part of the UK — Wales — whose funding has come close to need, in order to make sure that that never happens again. That is particularly important for us as we think about the holiday hunger programme for the future, because we are currently denied those protections, and our block grant funding is destined to plunge below need once again in 2026-27. Even if we manage to get a holiday hunger programme up and running for 2025-26, it is likely that it would have to be terminated again in 2026-27.

In order to provide a sustainable holiday hunger programme, we need to gain the two protections that Wales enjoys. First, we must benefit from a baseline fiscal floor so that our funding cannot fall below the baseline need of 124% per head in 2026-27 or at any other time. Secondly, we need to have a 5% uplift, which has been worth £1·7 billion to Wales over the past eight years and has helped to keep block grant funding a bit above need.

As we reflect on the painful implications of the Department of Education's decision to cut holiday hunger funding in March 2023, we need to remember that, at that time, there was a UK Government definition of "need", and a UK Government mechanism to prevent funding from falling below need that was given to Wales but not to Northern Ireland. Had the people of Northern Ireland been afforded the same protections as the people of Wales in April 2022, we would probably not be having this debate.

Will the Minister please tell the UK Government that the children of Northern Ireland who would benefit from a reinstated school holiday food grant scheme are just as valuable as the children of Wales? Of course, whilst we welcome the positive noises about future budget allocations, we deserve the same security as Wales, which knows that its funding cannot fall below need in 2026-27 or at any other time. The Treasury needs to grant us the same protections — the baseline fiscal floor to need and the uplift — not possibly at some point in the future but now and indefinitely, so that we can plan for the future. Once we get the funding formula right, that will give the Minister the opportunity to take decisions, such as to reintroduce the holiday food grant scheme and to offer assistance to reduce the financial burden of school uniforms and PE kits on struggling families.

Until we get our fiscal floor and funding mechanism sorted, we are a talking shop on the issue. I agree that the burdens that are placed on families are too great, but the Executive, in their current guise, are limited in what they can do. I encourage us to use this debate to discuss why we should be funded to the same level as Wales. In the meantime, anything else is immaterial. Yes, I want to see the Minister take action, but we need to have the financial resources in place to allow him to do so.

Mr Carroll: As has been said, at the start of the pandemic, the North introduced holiday hunger payments with a cash-first approach, which gave struggling families some dignity and control over their finances during school holidays. Despite some of the counterpoints, tackling poverty is not complicated. Over 100,000 children benefited from those payments. Inexplicably, in March 2023, the Department failed to allocate enough funding for the scheme to continue. That was in the middle of a post-COVID economic crisis that saw food price inflation soar, and that inflation has not come down since.

The removal of holiday hunger payments has not only harmed children who are eligible for free school meals but put huge pressure on community and voluntary organisations, as Members have said. Trussell Trust food banks in the North distribute over 38,000 emergency food parcels for children. That is hard to believe, and is a 150% increase in the past five years. Managers of food banks have identified one key reason for that statistic: removal of the holiday hunger payment.

School holidays should be a time when families are excited and look forward to spending time together. Instead, in 2024, many are filled with dread, thinking about how they will cover the extra cost of meals each day. Hopefully, all of us agree that working-class children do not deserve to go hungry over school holidays. The question is this: what is going to be done about it? The solution is simple: we need to stop punishing working-class children and reinstate the holiday hunger payment in time for the 2025 summer holidays. I call on the Minister to do so. Contrary to the point made by the Member for East Belfast, there is plenty of money to fund that. The will is lacking.

Dare I say that we should be more ambitious and offer free school meals to all children.

Mr Brooks: Will the Member give way?

Mr Carroll: Sure.

Mr Brooks: Has the Member's narrative for some time not been that there has been great austerity across the UK and that that has had an impact here? Now, he feels that there is plenty of money available in Northern Ireland. Which is it? Are the UK Government being stingy with their Budget and not giving us enough, or is there plenty of money available?

Mr Carroll: The Member should probably read my party's website and statements, which say that, while there is austerity —.

Mr Deputy Speaker (Dr Aiken): The Member has an extra minute.

Mr Carroll: Thank you very much, Mr Deputy Speaker. They say that, while there is austerity, there is plenty of money around. You do not even have to look across the water: Moy Park is the richest company in the North's history. It has a revenue of £2 billion, but you support and welcome that and do not call for extra taxes or higher rates on that company. There is money there. That is one company.

Some schools have taken it upon themselves to offer free meals to all pupils. It is a pity that cash-strapped schools are bearing the cost of that rather than the state. The Education Minister has long promised a public consultation on the eligibility criteria — those words again — for free school meals and school uniform grants. It would be helpful if he could commit to a specific timeline for that.

As has been mentioned, the research from Parentkind paints a stark picture of how parents across the North struggle to afford the cost of sending their children to school. Two thirds of them said that the cost of school uniforms is their biggest struggle. Non-binding guidance for schools on uniform policy simply will not cut it; it is not strong enough. There is overwhelming public support for a cap on uniform costs. It is time for the Minister to deliver on that. The consultation on school uniform policy closed at the end of September. At a bare minimum, the Minister should provide an update on the outcome of that consultation so that legislation can be implemented before September 2025 to ensure that we do not go through this rigmarole again next summer.

Ministers should be ashamed that some families in society cannot afford to send their kids to school. That is effectively denying working-class children their basic right to education. On holiday hunger and the cost of school uniforms, the Executive need to give people more than just empty words. Parties that have failed to alleviate child poverty for over a decade already know what is needed to stop people going hungry; they have just refused to do it. The long-awaited anti-poverty strategy will be brought before the Executive in early 2025. The anti-poverty expert panel, the NI Audit Office, the Public Accounts Committee and many others have told the Executive what they need to do to tackle child poverty. My question is this: will the Minister and the Executive listen?

Mr Deputy Speaker (Dr Aiken): I call the Minister of Education. Minister, you have up to 15 minutes.

Mr Givan (The Minister of Education): Thank you, Mr Deputy Speaker. I thank colleagues for the opportunity to respond to the motion and thank Mr Butler for moving it. Everyone who spoke demonstrated the real issues that are affecting our constituents. I will disagree with colleagues on very little of what they said, which they expressed with passion. It is about how we address that in the challenging fiscal environment that we have.

I recognise that there are ongoing financial pressures on families, especially those with school-age children. The issues of child poverty outside of school term time and the cost of school uniforms were debated in the House when separate private Members' motions were tabled in March 2024. Since those debates, work has progressed well, particularly on the cost of school uniforms. I will come on to that in a few moments.

In respect of how many families struggle with food poverty, particularly during school holiday periods, I recognise how difficult it continues to be for those families who are on low incomes and those for whom making ends meet is a daily struggle. As an Executive, we must ensure that we do whatever we can to support those families with the range of pressures that they face.

I have spoken on a number of occasions in the House of how the Education budget falls far short of what is needed to deliver on a number of my key priorities. However, my Department still has a range of other policies and interventions in place to support children who may be impacted on by social disadvantage or poverty. We have worked hard to protect those interventions, as far as we could, given the challenging current budget. For example, the targeting social need policy provides £75 million to schools through the common funding formula. That provides for a wide range of interventions to support schools with the additional costs that they face in educating children from socially disadvantaged backgrounds. There is also £8·1 million for the extended-schools programme, which supports over 400 schools, 200,000 pupils, 80,000 parents and 30,000 community representatives. The interventions are wide-ranging and include breakfast clubs and after-school activities.

Mr Mathison: I thank the Minister for giving way. He mentioned targeting social need funding. Does he agree that, given the very difficult financial position that schools find themselves in, that funding often lands in a deficit and does not reach the children who need it?

Mr Givan: The broader point is how we ensure that funding that is provided for a specific purpose is spent on that specific purpose. I could make that same argument about holiday hunger payments: there is no guarantee that payments that went into a bank account were spent on providing food outside of school term time. I agree with what the Member said. How do we ensure that that additional funding is used for the purposes for which it is designed? That is a valid question. It is one that I will also pose to Members: can we guarantee that holiday hunger payments went into feeding children? We know that, in school settings, that is exactly what it is used for, but we cannot guarantee that that funding was used for that specific purpose. By the way, I have no doubt that, in the vast majority of cases, it was, but we cannot guarantee that.

My Department also continues to support school-age children through the provision of free school meals to low-income families that are in receipt of certain benefits. Holiday hunger continues to be an important issue. It is one that many Departments have been seeking to address for a number of years. The pandemic exacerbated food poverty across all society. In recognition of the challenge that many low-income families face during school holiday periods, in 2020, the previous Executive decided to establish a school holiday food grant scheme. That was funded by the Executive to provide payments to cover the cost of food during school holidays for pupils who were entitled to free school meals. While the Department of Education was identified as the interim lead Department, the previous Executive agreed that a wider strategic decision on the way forward to tackle food poverty, including holiday hunger, was required. That included the identification and resourcing of a lead Department. The ring-fenced funding that was previously made available to my Department to undertake those payments on behalf of the Executive ceased in the 2023-24 Budget, which the then Secretary of State set. With no ring-fenced funding in place, the permanent secretary had no practical alternative to discontinuing the scheme in March 2023.

We all agree that no child should go hungry. While my Department continues to support school-age children during term time having access to healthy, nutritious meals, initiatives to tackle holiday hunger or support with food outside of term time are more closely aligned to social welfare support for families. Therefore, it is appropriate that the Executive take a wider decision about how they are going to tackle food poverty across society. Holiday hunger for children outside of term time should be an important part of that decision. I want to be part of the solution. I am not passing it on to somebody else; it is a wider issue that the Executive need to address. I met the Minister for Communities about the issue in September. We agreed that child food poverty, including that which is experienced during school holiday periods, would be considered as part of the development of an anti-poverty strategy that the Department for Communities leads on. I welcome his standing up of the cross-departmental working group on the anti-poverty strategy, and I echo the sentiments that the Minister for Communities expressed in a recent debate on child poverty in North Belfast. He said:

Mr Durkan used the same commentary when he said that the issue is "fundamentally about poverty". He is right. The Executive should make it a high priority in the anti-poverty strategy to seek to explicitly tackle food poverty across all our society and not seek to isolate child food poverty in particular. To seek to do so solely for school holiday periods is to miss an opportunity to tackle the issue more holistically.

Mr Butler: I thank the Minister for giving way. I am enthralled by his speech, because he is fulfilling part of the purpose of the motion, which is to get an update. I am a bit perplexed by what he said about the conversation with the Minister for Communities. The issue is wrapped up in the sense of wider poverty, but we must not lose sight of the absolute fact that there is holiday hunger.

Can the Minister guarantee that, in those conversations with the Minister for Communities, it will not be lost or set aside and that it will form part of the wider strategy?

Mr Givan: I can. In that meeting, I expressed the view that a particular strand needed to focus on child food poverty. I have talked about whether, in addressing child poverty during the holiday periods, we can access community facilities or open up a school during term time, so that we ensure that the interventions that we want to make are for that specific purpose. I go back to the point that the Chairman of the Committee made: how can we make sure that our intervention achieves what we want it to achieve? I want the Department to be part of the solution. That is why I am positively engaging with the Department for Communities. We can bring options that will help to address the issue of child food poverty, specifically during the holiday periods, as the Member mentioned.

As the anti-poverty strategy is developed, it will be for the Executive to agree how food poverty, including child food poverty, is tackled. They will also have to decide which Department should take forward the holistic actions to address food poverty and, importantly, whether they are prepared to fund those actions.

Members, I have been there. I have campaigned on issues and often said to Ministers, "It is your responsibility to get the funding. I am bringing the issue to you and advocating for it". Members are right to do that and challenge me on it. Sometimes, we forget that, apart from a few, 90% of us are in the same Executive. I make that argument internally, and Ministers from other Departments push back on some things that I want. That is not often reflected by their colleagues in the Assembly, who then push me for the very thing that I am prioritising and their colleagues may have challenged me about.

Mr Gaston made a really important contribution. I do not blame the Finance Minister for not giving me the funding that I need. I did not get what I needed in the monitoring round. That is not the Finance Minister's fault. I made the case, and I argued for it. I have received an allocation, and I will seek to work through that. However, as an Executive, we have been underfunded. It goes back to April 2022, the definition of "need" and the approach that was taken in Scotland and Wales. Northern Ireland, not for the first time, was treated as the poor cousin in the United Kingdom. The fact that Northern Ireland has not been treated in the way in which it should be is a poor reflection on the United Kingdom as a whole. We need to get that additional resource. We have made progress on the fiscal framework. The Finance Minister has led on that, and I have supported her, but there is more work that we need to achieve. That will allow all our Departments to do more.

I will not stand here and blame the Minister of Justice or the Minister of Health for not being able to do certain things. I understand the pressures that they face, because I face them. I only ask for colleagues to reflect on the financial pressures on me, which are the same as those on their ministerial colleagues, as we seek to take it forward.

I will make progress on school uniforms. Between June and September, my Department undertook a 14-week consultation on proposals to reduce the cost of school uniforms. There were just under 7,500 responses to the consultation, and I plan to publish a summary of those findings in the coming weeks. The online element of the consultation received 3,444 responses, the majority of which supported the proposals that were being consulted on. The Education Authority Youth Service engaged with children and young people on my Department's behalf, and a specific survey was done with young people through youth groups, education other than at school (EOTAS) centres and children's individual school C2k accounts. That resulted in responses from just over 4,000 children and young people, with cost and comfort emerging as the key priorities in those responses. The general online survey had seven questions with a free-text response, and that generated over 4,000 comments. My Department will continue to analyse the responses, in addition to the 19 stand-alone reports from interested organisations.

The online survey results show strong support for the introduction of the cost-control measures that some Members referred to. It is important that I take into account the view of all stakeholders in considering the most effective methods of cost control before coming to a decision on the best solution on that important issue. It is also clear that there is strong support for school uniform policy guidance to become statutory. Just over 77% of online respondents agreed with the proposal that schools should be legally required to comply with departmental uniform guidance.

I can update the House that I therefore plan to bring a paper to the Executive in the coming weeks seeking agreement for my officials to formally instruct the Office of the Legislative Counsel to draft a Bill about school uniforms. It is my intention that the Bill will give statutory effect to the guidance on school uniforms. With the support of my Executive colleagues, I intend to bring the legislation to the Assembly as soon as possible in the coming months. It will then be for the due process to be followed, including scrutiny through the Assembly stages. [Interruption.]

I look forward to working with you all in progressing the legislation to make a difference for the families who are in most need of our assistance.

In doing that, perhaps, we will extend the schools' mobile phones policy to the Assembly. [Laughter.]

That was not in the speech. [Interruption.]

We will find a way to seal them.

This is something that should bring us together to take action in a collective effort. We want to make that difference for children and young people and their families, and I look forward to each of us playing our part in developing the school uniform legislation and delivering the anti-poverty strategy to provide the best means of tackling poverty, including food poverty. I look forward to support for the work that I can do to bring that legislation through, working with you to do that.

I thank Members for the way in which they have engaged in the debate. We are making progress, and I want to be able to make much more progress. Collectively, as an Executive, we will make the case for further funding. I assure Members that I want to make progress on both issues. Colleagues asked about the consultation on the terms of eligibility for free school meals, and they should see that coming out in the coming days. I intend to put that out for consultation so that we can have more engagement around that area.

Mr Deputy Speaker (Dr Aiken): Thank you very much, Minister. I call Michelle Guy to make her winding-up speech on amendment No 2. Michelle, you have five minutes.

Mrs Guy: Thank you, Mr Deputy Speaker. As others have done, I thank UUP colleagues for tabling the motion. It has given us an opportunity, so close to Christmas, to talk about an important issue. My colleague explained why we had tabled our amendment and why we will not support the DUP amendment. I echo the Minister's words about the tone of the debate and acknowledge his willingness to take a bit of challenge on the issues.

Members have, rightly, vividly articulated the impact of poverty generally on families and the need for an Executive-level resource strategy to deal with that. We should look to the child poverty strategy for lessons on what not to do. Recent Audit Office/Public Accounts Committee findings have highlighted some of the lessons to learn around accountability, monitoring and partnership working.

A lot of Members highlighted some of the statistics. Mark Durkan mentioned the 71% of parents in Northern Ireland in the Parentkind survey who were concerned about the overall cost of school uniforms. David Brooks noted figures from the Trussell Trust, and Cara Hunter highlighted the fact that 24% of children in Northern Ireland are in poverty.

The removal of the holiday hunger scheme was discussed, and the chronology around it was noted. That scheme ended on 31 March, and a long-term plan was not agreed, so the collapse of the Executive meant that that had to be withdrawn. When the Executive were restored, there was a choice to reinstate that funding, but that choice was not made. Other Members have talked about Ministers facing choices, and that was a choice that the Minister opted not to make.

Yesterday, in response to a question that I asked about the childcare strategy, the Minister said that he was about action and not strategies, yet action here is being delayed while we wait for a strategy. We all recognise the major resource constraints on all of our Departments, and I agreed with Timothy Gaston when he remarked that we are not properly funded in Northern Ireland and need to address that. Danny Baker raised the issue of how our community and voluntary sector picks up the slack from some of the government failure.

We then looked at some of the actions that have been taken. There has been a change to the eligibility criteria for free school meals and uniform grants, but that was an interim measure and we still wait for the outworking of the full review. We want to see that. We also want to see, as people have noted, the expansion of free school meals and an aspiration to a universal model for that. Gerry Carroll noted the benefits of expanded provision in other areas, such as health.

Action is being taken on school uniforms, and we have all welcomed that. The school uniforms consultation was published in 2024, and Cara Hunter noted the urgency of action here and was right to note the multiplier effect on families with more than one child. Cathy Mason highlighted the issue of parents getting into debt paying the cost of sending their child to school and how that is just not acceptable.

The new ground that has been broken here on uniforms is to be welcomed, and Pat Sheehan noted the commitment of the previous DUP Minister to bringing this forward. Andy Allen raised the issue of not having an Executive or an Assembly in place and the difference that that could have made to progressing the issues. I think that there is agreement — it was certainly reflected in the consultation — on a statutory cap on school uniform costs and bringing that within statutory guidance. That is welcomed. Removing branded items from PE kits seems to be something that Members reflected across the Chamber that they want to see. We have also asked for additional support for extra uniform costs for children with special educational needs.

In summary, I believe that everybody here is on the same page in terms of supporting actions. We want to see action on holiday hunger. We know that it will improve educational attainment and health outcomes and will reflect a measure of early intervention. We want to see funded policy proposals coming forward, and I underline again the need to reform these institutions so that the circumstances that saw withdrawal will not happen again. We cannot go backwards on issues such as poverty because of our political disagreements.

I welcome the positive engagement described by the Minister in how we have conducted the debate today, and I agree with him —

Mr Deputy Speaker (Dr Aiken): Will the Member draw her remarks to a close, please?

Mrs Guy: OK. Certainly.

— on the need to have holistic solutions to this.

Mr Deputy Speaker (Dr Aiken): I call Peter Martin to make a winding-up speech on amendment No 1. Peter, you have five minutes — without musical accompaniment, please.

Mr Martin: Thank you, Mr Deputy Speaker. I apologise to you for my phone going off. It was on silent, but my 13-year-old daughter has found a way to override that function. If any Member knows how to un-override it, I would really appreciate knowing that. You can see me afterwards. Thanks for that, Lucy. She will be watching this later.

As I listened to the debate this afternoon, I was heartened that everyone in the Chamber essentially wants the same thing: movement on food poverty and uniform grants. We agree that those things need to be addressed. I concur with the Minister and Mrs Guy that the debate has been positive. I suppose that the context of that is how we move on the issues. That is where, perhaps, there have been different views, but I certainly welcome the Minister's commitment, especially to legislating on school uniforms. I will not rehearse all the debate around that.

I will quickly summarise some things that were said and make some general comments about our amendment. The Member for West Belfast highlighted Mr Baker's work on holiday hunger, and I acknowledge it too. He is passionate about it, and I thank him for that. My friend the Member for Lagan Valley asked about clear movement on this, and that is something that we all want to see. The Minister and our party want to see that, but, again, it led us into the frame of, essentially, how we pay for this, and that is one of the key things that came out this afternoon.

Mr Durkan, who has disappeared, warned of the current and future challenges around parents who are facing poverty. One thing that maybe was not mentioned much was low-income families or the working poor and how we incorporate them into any future measures.

Mr Carroll, I think, suggested that Moy Park should pay for holiday hunger.

I hope that Moy Park already pays corporation tax; I am sure it does. However, that is a kind of —

Mr Carroll: I appreciate the Member giving way. It is slightly facetious, but the point that I made to his colleague was that, while you have repeated the mantra that there is no money, corporate profits are at a record high, and if you really wanted to fund universal free school meals, you could do it with

measures. That is the point I was making.

Mr Martin: Do I have an extra minute, Mr Deputy Speaker?

Mr Deputy Speaker (Dr Aiken): No.

Mr Martin: No? Oh, no. I would have loved to get into fiscal policy with Mr Carroll, but perhaps we can do so over a cup of coffee at some other time.

I have two minutes left. I will summarise the arguments that we have discussed. Every Minister has budget choices. Mrs Guy mentioned that, when the Executive were re-established, the Minister did not reinstate this scheme. However, the Minister did reinstate lots of other things. Two such schemes that are very close to my heart are extended schools and nurture funding, which provide amazing interventions for kids who are really challenged in school. As I look around the Chamber, I see that the majority of Members here have Ministers in the Executive. They all have really tough decisions to make about how they use their funding and how it would be most effectively targeted. I am really glad that this Minister is protecting the most vulnerable kids in our schools. I have cited just two things that he has done to make sure that they are protected.

A uniform grant has been talked about this afternoon, and I welcome the Minister's commitment to bring forward legislation in that regard.

Finally, in the 40 seconds that I have left, I will address our amendment. We are clear that the best place to do this is in the Executive's anti-poverty strategy. I know that Members do not agree with that. However, isolating holiday hunger from food poverty in a wider sense is disjointed. In fact. some Members did talk about that: the Committee Chair talked about joint working between Departments and connected policy. That is what the anti-poverty strategy will seek to do. It is probably the best place to achieve what everyone in the Chamber wants.

Mr Deputy Speaker (Dr Aiken): I call on Colin Crawford to make a winding-up speech on the motion. Colin, you have 10 minutes.

Mr Crawford: Thank you, Mr Deputy Speaker. I thank my party colleagues for bringing this important motion to the House.

It is absolutely right that the Assembly addresses the significant impact of any child going hungry. That should not happen today in Northern Ireland or, indeed, anywhere else in the world. The challenges are not just statistics — many statistics have been mentioned this afternoon — but represent the daily struggles of families trying to provide for their children in a world that feels increasingly overwhelming. As has been cited, 'The National Parent Survey 2024', recently compiled by Parentkind, states that one in five parents struggled to afford the cost of sending their child to school, and that, over the previous 12 months, 41% of the parents surveyed had rationed their heating for financial reasons. The reality is that, when we delve deeper into the issue, we see that it is not just the child who can go hungry; in some instances, parents and carers skip meals to ensure that their child is fed.

As Danny Baker did, I put on record my thanks and pay tribute to all those in community initiatives and groups who, during holidays, not only provide activities, including educational events, but offer healthy meals to children the length and breadth of Northern Ireland. Hundreds of families are grappling with the anxiety of providing basic necessities: food, shelter and adequate clothing for their children.

Mr Brooks: Will the Member give way?

Mr Crawford: I will.

Mr Brooks: I agree with all the Member says. Does he accept that the fact that there are those wider issues is the reason why it should be catered for in the anti-poverty strategy rather than through single measures from the Education Department?

Mr Crawford: I take that on board, and, as our good friend the Chairman of the Education Committee said, there needs to be cross-departmental working, but it will take someone to start it. We are here to ask the Education Minister for an update, and I thank him for being in his place.

Holiday hunger is a profound problem that looms over all our communities. Far too many children do not have access to nutritious meals outside the school term. That is leading many children to miss out on opportunities, in both the short term and long term, and they are more likely to have poor health, educational and well-being outcomes than their more well off peers. It is imperative that we act. We need comprehensive support systems to provide meals during the school holidays. That means expanding the holiday food programmes, enhancing community initiatives and ensuring that no child goes hungry simply because school is not in session.

In addition to addressing holiday hunger, we cannot overlook the burden of school uniform costs. As we know, in Northern Ireland, uniforms are often mandatory and can place a heavy financial strain on families. The average cost of a school uniform can leave parents choosing between basic needs and sending their children to school in the appropriate attire. This is not just an economic issue; it is a matter of social equality and dignity. We must advocate for policies that alleviate that financial pressure. Let us not allow a piece of clothing to determine a child's sense of worth or belonging. Those polices include exploring options for funding grants, creating second-hand uniform exchanges and encouraging schools to adopt more flexible and affordable uniform policies. No child should feel different or disadvantaged because of their family's financial situation. Education should be about inclusion not exclusion.

Members, you will be glad to hear that I am not going to go through every Member's contribution. The two Members who spoke previously did that so well. Thank you, Members, for the nature of the debate. I also thank the Minister for coming to the Chamber, staying for the duration of the debate and replying to Members' contributions.

Mr Allen: Will the Member give way?

Mr Crawford: I will.

Mr Allen: The Member will recognise that Members from across the House have placed significant emphasis, perhaps rightly, on the anti-poverty strategy. Does he agree that it is important that the Department learns the lessons from the recent Public Accounts Committee report on child poverty?

Mr Crawford: Absolutely. I hope that the Minister will take that report on board and deliver its recommendations.

We owe it to our children to create an environment where they can focus on their education and enjoy their childhood without the overshadowing stress of hunger or financial hardship.

Mr Deputy Speaker (Dr Aiken): Before I put the Question on amendment No 1, I remind Members that, if it is made, I will not put the Question on amendment No 2.

Mr Deputy Speaker (Mr Blair): In conjunction with the Business Committee, the Speaker has given leave to Keith Buchanan to raise the matter of financial support for rural communities in Mid Ulster. I call Keith Buchanan. You have up to 15 minutes.

Mr K Buchanan: Thank you, Mr Deputy Speaker. Given that I represent a largely rural constituency, I make no apologies for highlighting the need to ensure that there is adequate financial support for rural communities in Mid Ulster. Many simply do not understand the needs of rural communities. They see country living as idyllic and think that it is for those with financial security. It is important to highlight the challenges facing many of our rural communities. It is imperative that the Government recognise that financial support is needed. It is important to help improve our rural communities to ensure that they are thriving, sustainable and inclusive places to live.

A study by the Joseph Rowntree Foundation found that people in rural areas typically need to spend 10% to 20% more on everyday requirements than those in urban areas. The more remote the area, the greater those additional costs. The biggest difference is the greater access to public transport in urban areas, whereas rural households depend more on cars. Domestic fuel costs are also higher in some rural areas because of older, less fuel-efficient housing and the lack of mains gas. The consequence of those higher costs is that families in rural areas need earnings well in excess of the minimum wage to afford the necessities of life, yet low pay is more common in rural areas than urban areas, creating a double disadvantage.

There is an increased focus across government on improving regional balance, which is welcome. However, it could be argued that Departments should be delivering regionally anyway and that should not be seen as a replacement for rural development.

Our rural communities have an intrinsic relationship with farming and farmers, who are seen as the custodians of the countryside. Farming is critical to the agri-food industry in our country. There are many agri-food industries in Mid Ulster from the large factories such as Dunman creamery and Karro — the "bacon factory", as it is known locally — that provide hundreds of jobs for local people to smaller food production companies such as the Big Pot Company and Cloughbane Farm Foods. Our farmers and producers are vital to the Northern Ireland economy. Indeed, I worked in that sector for over 22 years in an engineering department. You cannot mention Mid Ulster without mentioning engineering.

Farmers also play an important role in protecting our environment and promoting biodiversity, but the farming community across Mid Ulster, Northern Ireland and, indeed, the UK feels that it has been badly let down. The autumn Budget delivered by Chancellor Rachel Reeves has undermined farm families and their business. The president of the Ulster Farmers' Union (UFU), William Irvine said:

The weakening of agricultural relief will heap further pressure on the future of family farms. That will accelerate the breaking up of farms and drive more young people away from farming at a time when more of them are needed. That will affect our food security going forward. The DUP asks the Government to review that decision. Maybe the Minister will confirm what he can do or is doing to put pressure on the Labour Government to address the issue.

Our farmers and the rural economy need our help and financial support. There is limited specific rural funding for communities in Mid Ulster. When Edwin Poots was the Minister of Agriculture, Environment and Rural Affairs, he took forward a rural policy framework in consultation with rural stakeholders that outlined a proposed new seven-year programme, but, to date, that has failed to materialise. Rural development is a proactive approach to working with rural communities to improve the social, economic and environmental development of rural areas. That is best served by engaging communities in a bottom-up approach, which the LEADER programme did.

The only specific funding that comes from DAERA into rural communities across Northern Ireland at present is under the tackling rural poverty and social isolation programme (TRPSI); the DAERA rural micro grant scheme, which, thankfully, was released yesterday and is up to £2,000; and the DAERA rural business development grant scheme, which is up to £4,999. Those are all welcome, but they are not a replacement for LEADER. I thank the Minister for releasing the funding streams again and acknowledge the benefit that they bring. The EU PEACE PLUS rural scheme has opened for applications and is currently under assessment. It is a regional programme with no specific ring-fencing of funds in Mid Ulster and is very much targeted at larger-scale organisations and statutory bodies. The rural community hall scheme that the previous Minister launched and completed supported 113 halls and communities. That created a major impact in rural communities. I urge the Minister to open the scheme again and follow on from the great work that was started.

A few weeks ago, I highlighted the need for additional funding for local community groups and support services. Such groups are vital in rural areas. One group that needs support and sustained funding is our rural community transport providers, who do vital work transporting people in rural communities to hospital appointments when general public transport does not meet that need. I highlighted the figures that I received from the Northern Health and Social Care Trust, which showed that it had spent £2·3 million on private taxis and private ambulances in 2023-24. I urge the Minister of Health and the Minister for Infrastructure again to push forward with their officials to engage with community transport providers and others to investigate and identify the most practical way in which they can support delivery of their services, especially to the rural community. Rural community transport could be more beneficial to the public purse if those issues were looked at.

Many in the Chamber live and work in rural constituencies. We want action to address the challenges and financial difficulties that our constituents face. I want to see delivery for our rural communities. It is essential that we continue to breathe new life into rural communities across Northern Ireland.

Mr Deputy Speaker (Mr Blair): All other Members who speak will have approximately seven minutes.

Ms Sheerin: I thank my fellow Member for Mid Ulster for bringing the debate to the Chamber. Like Keith, I have a passion for Mid Ulster, a largely rural constituency. Anybody who knows me will know that I am from a farming family and proud of the fact. As has been said, Mid Ulster has a largely rural population: about 155,000 people live within the confines of our district, and 69% of them live in what is deemed a rural area, outside our big towns of Magherafelt, Dungannon, Cookstown and Coalisland.

When talking about support for our rural communities, it would be difficult to get through — although I note that my constituency colleague did — without mentioning the elephant in the room that is Brexit. That is what has pulled money out of Mid Ulster. Through the years, we saw massive benefit from EU funding in the single farm payment, which was invaluable for our farming community. I always make the argument that the money that is put into agriculture benefits not only those who are employed in farm businesses but a host of other industries that rely on farmers and agriculture to consume their products. Think of engineering in Mid Ulster, which is a massive employer, the trailer producers and the people who make other bits of machinery that are bought and used by farmers; think of our machinery dealers and tractor dealers, all of whom rely on our farming community; and think of all the other people who are employed in various aspects of contributing economies.

We do not have the replacement funds for the single farm payment. We know that the funding is down 18% this year, and it will no longer be ring-fenced. It will compete with other pressures in our block grant, which is unfair and is causing an awful lot of anxiety amongst our farming population. Other measures that we heard about the week before last in the British Government's Budget, such as the change for double cab pickups and the inheritance tax change, will have a massive impact on a lot of family farms across the North. All that contributes to a lack of confidence in our farming community and a lack of ability to make the changes and improvements to their farms that are so badly needed.

LEADER has been referenced. In the past, I had the privilege of sitting on our local action group (LAG) board in Mid Ulster, and I could see the local benefit that we were able to get through the rural development programme. It is estimated that, between 2016 and 2020, up to £15 million went into our local groups, GAA halls, mother-and-toddler groups and all sorts of community groups. I think also of An Ráth Dubh in my constituency, the Sixtowns Cross Community Group, the Workspace Group and a load of other social enterprise groups that work throughout south Derry, bring employment into the area and further the aspirations of local people. That money has been lost. That was a ground-up scheme that allowed local people to have an input in where investment should go. I welcome the announcement just this week from our Finance Minister, Dr Caoimhe Archibald, of an additional £2 million for TRPSI. However, we have not seen any confirmation of the capital works programme that previously led to a lot of development at Moydamlaght Forest. We want to see a furthering of that development and await news on that programme.

As was the case with so many things in the wake of the Brexit debate, we were told that the Shared Prosperity Fund would be released and would replace all the EU money that our rural areas previously received. Not a penny have we seen from the Shared Prosperity Fund, which is a real concern for local groups. I have spoken to the like of Agewell in Magherafelt, where Marie does an amazing job with our older population. We have a massive older population in Mid Ulster, who are dispersed and are living in very rural areas. Their funding has gone. Where will future funding come from? That is the anxiety that rural people are facing. We are coming into the winter: everything is a wee bit harder when you live in the hills and there is snow falling or frost on the ground. That is another challenge that we have to deal with.

I reiterate the calls of others from across the House for increased funding for our local communities for agriculture, for other rural affairs and for the people who live outside our agriculture families. I do not envy the Minister's task of trying to provide that funding when we have left the EU, but I am committed to working with him and all his Executive colleagues to try to get some funding into our rural areas.

Mr McGlone: I thank Mr Buchanan for securing the Adjournment debate. Financial support for rural communities in Mid Ulster is clearly an issue. Sometimes, we feel a bit forgotten. However, the good industries that are there, be they Dale Farm or the manufacturing industries that have got themselves to the top of the pile, have excelled by themselves, albeit, with support, surely. They have shown such initiative and clear vision, and seen and established such clear needs and markets, that many of them are world leaders. We do not lose sight of that. They started small, many of them from their backyards and farmyards, and expanded from that. That innovation, creativity and initiative in many of our rural areas has to be recognised. Today, we are talking about getting support and making sure that people are fully endorsed and seen through their work, because new generations and people who want to start businesses are coming up every year. I will come to that in a wee while.

I welcome the inclusion of the constituency in the recent Mid South West growth deal. That proposal has the potential to deliver much-needed investment in infrastructure, skills, innovation and tourism. Those are all necessary investments.

As a mostly rural constituency, the local economy is heavily dependent on agriculture. As a result of Brexit, which the DUP campaigned for and the SDLP and others opposed, funding for agriculture has suffered real-term cuts. The annual funding allocation to replace the EU's common agricultural policy payments has been capped at approximately £330 million since 2020. Within that, there is around £300 million of direct payments for farmers. The Ulster Farmers' Union has calculated that, to maintain the real value of that funding, it should have increased to £389 million by the end of 2024. That means that there has been a cut in real terms of £60 million this year. From next year, the funding for agriculture will be included in the baseline figure for the block grant. Funding that had been ring-fenced and guaranteed over many years will now be part of the annual negotiations between the parties in the Executive. In future, Executive funding to support farmers will compete with Health, Infrastructure and Education. That will almost inevitably lead to cuts in the direct payments that farmers and farming families receive, and that is not good news. That is happening at a time when the total income from farming recorded by the Department across the North fell by 44% from £609 million in 2022 to £341 million in 2023. That is 14% lower than the average total farm income for the past 20 years, when inflation is taken into account.

As a result of Brexit, we have also lost access to pillar 2 of the rural development fund, losing approximately £100 million of rural development funding since leaving the EU. That funding was available to support rural communities in Mid Ulster and elsewhere. The British Government have not replaced that lost funding.

That rural development funding is very important. I want to make this point: although Invest NI is very supportive — I have to pay tribute to its local team, which recently helped a local business get support and funding to create a number of jobs — we have to look at the indigenous market, meaning those indigenous firms that we have, which do not export, and at how they are supported and how those firms, particularly in rural areas, can get extra support. That often does not mean huge amounts of money, but it is money that will help them to train and support staff and help them with the growth of their business. In many instances, they require professional help.

That deals with the economic aspects of the issue, if you like. However, despite legislation that has been designed to protect rural services, there have been repeated cuts to services in rural areas. Health and Social Care in rural areas has been gradually stripped of services through a lack of funding for staff. On that point, there is an increasing, persistent factor every year, and that is the need for properly paid domiciliary care workers. I emphasise the words "properly paid", because we get a number of cases, usually around autumn and wintertime — invariably, it starts earlier in the year — where domiciliary care packages are not available to support people to return home after a spell in hospital or other care settings. Therefore, you have the usual stuff of bed-blocking and the need for people to move into a nursing home at increased cost. That is a false economy. People are not being paid enough to do that vital work at all hours, in all weathers, in all seasons, up hill and down dale and particularly at night and to be there to provide care to people who, in many instances, live alone. The workers cannot be got. That is one thing that happens in the health service, and it happens in circumstances in which we are supposed to have legislation that governs the absence of services to our rural areas and that allows us to have some sort of control over them to make sure that our rural areas are properly treated and looked after.

Just recently, the GP practice at Fairhill Health Centre in Magherafelt was forced to close because no one could be recruited to take responsibility for the 2,330 patients that it served. They have had to be "dispersed" — I think that that is the word that is used — among other practices in the area, increasing pressures on those practices. We will not even get into how that was done, because it is whole other world stuff, which was, in many instances, very poorly handled by the Department.

I will go back to the investment that we now see for the Mid South West growth deal and say that I am looking forward to it. It will create the infrastructure that we so need for our manufacturing sectors and our base, and it will give hope, prospects and a future to our young people, many of whom are self-starters. Education is not just academic education; education is the skill set that people obtain from the training that they get in our FE colleges. That, too, is a vital service, which provides, if you like, the workforce to those excellent companies that already exist in the communities.

On the economy, I say that we should keep doing it, keep supporting it and allow some sort of diversification of funding to make sure that those companies that are not exporting have that support. On that point, thank you very much for the opportunity to speak.

Mr McMurray: I thank the Member for securing the Adjournment debate. While I am a proud Member for South Down, my roots, as others have said, are in mid-Ulster. It is good to speak in the debate. Being a Member for South Down, I know the value of communities and the role that they play, particularly in rural locations. Rural communities face many pressures, not least the recent changes to farm support budgets and inheritance tax for farms. Indeed, I will ham up my mid-Ulster roots by saying that I was in communication with a lady from Cookstown in mid-Ulster regarding the inheritance tax. The Minister will deal with that point. It is an important point that has ramifications across the board.

I will take a slightly different angle, looking at communities and community groups. As we know, communities can be defined in quite a few ways. We can belong to a community due to our geographical location, a shared belief system or a common interest. Regardless, the term "community" engenders strong feelings and associations that are not simply attributed to family ties. Communities also provide important support for the individuals in them. I have no doubt that every Member in the Chamber regularly signposts constituents to a host of small community groups and organisations in their area, and it would be an understatement to say that those groups are pillars of our rural communities.

Nevertheless, many of those groups depend on volunteers and have few financial resources to support their services. Only the other day, I was privileged to attend an event in the Long Gallery to celebrate the eight rural support networks that are active across Northern Ireland. Those support networks act as go-betweens to connect rural community groups and organisational statutory bodies. However, on reading the synopsis of their 2024 membership survey, their concerns over finance issues is palpable. The survey shows that rural communities face many of the challenges experienced by Northern Ireland as a whole. A major issue that member organisations identified was poor mental health. Other major issues were poverty and problems with physical infrastructure, physical health, transport and housing. A lot of those issues have already been touched on.

Some of those challenges are particularly acute in rural communities, but they are cross-departmental issues, and it is for the Executive as a whole to address them as a priority. Community groups already work hard to buffer some of the impacts of those challenges. They do so with little support. Of the survey respondents, 75% had no paid staff, and 64% said that they did not have enough volunteers. More than half operate on less than £10,000 a year; 65% of member groups said that funding day-to-day costs was a top challenge; 72% said that funding to run local programmes was a top challenge; and 61% said that they needed more training and support to complete funding applications. That highlights the support that is required.

I draw attention to the rural micro capital grants scheme (RMCGS), the second tranche of which opened for applications yesterday. The scheme provides micro capital grants of between £500 and £2,000 to rural, community-led, voluntary organisations for projects tackling issues such as local poverty and social isolation. It is a valuable scheme that will provide important support for some of our local community groups.

Before I conclude, I highlight the impact of Brexit and the loss of EU funding — the elephant in the room. Pillar 2 of the common agricultural policy (CAP) was specifically concerned with rural development. I welcome Minister Muir's recent discussions with the Finance Minister to see how we could restore that funding through a local, ring-fenced budget. I hope that, alongside farming, fisheries and the environment, those efforts will be supported by the Executive.

Ms D Armstrong: I thank the Member for securing the Adjournment debate. I am obviously not a Mid Ulster constituent, but part of my constituency falls into the mid-Ulster area. Like other Members here, I represent a rural constituency: Fermanagh and South Tyrone. There are many parallels between Mid Ulster and Fermanagh and South Tyrone: their rural peripherality, location, isolation, health inequalities, deprivation and access to services. Members have rightly referenced the significant hardships that rural communities face. That is no less so following the announcement in the recent Budget on the agricultural property tax and the non-replacement of funding for the single farm payment, which has been referenced. Those issues loom large on the minds of many dwellers in rural communities.

This evening, I will address what is going on in rural communities in a more holistic fashion. Members have touched on many of the issues that I was going to address. Critically, however, access to services in those communities matters. The rural communities in mid and south-west Northern Ireland see services being stripped away. They see the closure of banks and small indigenous businesses; the challenge of securing funding to support rural transport, as has been mentioned; and the encroaching degradation of towns and villages through closures and lack of rejuvenation support. All those issues impact heavily on those living in rural areas and, indeed, on the ability to attract investment to support the agricultural economy. Those services are critical to promoting rural regions as attractive and affordable places to live, work and raise families. With the agricultural property inheritance tax relief being removed, we really do not want to see farmers leaving mid-Ulster, an area rich in produce. Fair and equitable funding needs to be provided so that a regional balance can be evidenced for those areas. Without funding to promote and sustain vibrant rural communities, we will see further closures of GP practices and small schools, which are anchors for rural residents.

Rural transport is a major issue. Without rural community transport networks, lots of people just would not get to appointments, whether they be medical, personal or for socialising. It is vital that rural transport services are supported adequately with guaranteed funding. Connecting rural communities with central services in the most time-efficient way can be delivered effectively only with further investment in upgrading rural roads. There are many cross-cutting and cross-departmental issues. I have been told that, depending on timings, it can take up to seven hours for someone leaving Cookstown to visit Antrim Area Hospital. An emergency transfer from Enniskillen to Altnagelvin Area Hospital can take two and a half hours. Notwithstanding that, I acknowledge that the Mid South West growth deal will improve infrastructure in the west, with the Cookstown and Enniskillen bypasses now receiving the go-ahead and the skills development and innovation projects that will come through with the Mid South West deal.

The reopening of the TRPSI rural micro-grants is welcome. That will be well received in the community and, I imagine, heavily oversubscribed, as the first tranche was. It is welcome for community projects to sustain and keep community life at the heart of the area. However, that funding falls far short of the previous EU funding under the European regional development fund, such as the LEADER projects that others have mentioned, which provided valuable capital and technical support for small businesses in rural areas and for community and sporting organisations. I was involved in a LEADER project and saw at first hand how that funding enabled businesses to grow. Without it, the survival of indigenous businesses would have been jeopardised. Many businesses owe their survival to that funding investment, and it is imperative that DAERA step forward with similar rural business funding schemes as a successor to EU funding programmes.

The publication of the subregional economic plan is welcome, with its promise to deliver balance and equitable investment, particularly to rural regions. The plan will provide investment to indigenous industries to increase money coming back into rural economies to support families and small businesses. I support the Member's call for more financial assistance for mid-Ulster, as there is much work to be done.

Mr Deputy Speaker (Mr Blair): I call the Minister of Agriculture, Environment and Rural Affairs. Minister, you have up to 10 minutes in which to speak.

Mr Muir (The Minister of Agriculture, Environment and Rural Affairs): Thank you, Mr Deputy Speaker. I thank the Member for raising this important constituency matter and the other Members for their contributions to the debate. At the outset, let me say that, towards the end of my speech I will address the changes to inheritance tax and the loss of earmarked funding from Westminster. I thank the Member who has raised this issue. He advocates strongly for his constituency. He does it any time I encounter him in the corridors of the Building and on the phone. Fair play to him for securing the Adjournment debate.

It is important to reassure Members that my Department remains focused on supporting the sustainability and growth of rural communities in Mid Ulster and beyond. That is not something that my Department can do alone, and it does not have the policy levers to address all the issues and challenges facing rural communities, as many are with other Departments.

With the introduction of the Rural Needs Act (Northern Ireland) 2016, all Departments have a duty to have due regard to the social and economic needs of people in rural areas when developing and implementing policies and when designing and delivering public services. It is only through collaborative working across government that we will be able to deliver sustainable growth in rural areas, in particular in Mid Ulster, which is our focus today.

I assure you that my Department will continue to work with other Departments in its role as the rural champion to drive, influence and deliver better policies for rural communities.

I am very aware that the closure of the Northern Ireland rural development programme that ran from 2014 to 2020 continues to be a concern to rural communities and stakeholders. I hear that regularly, particularly at Question Time. Mid Ulster received approximately £25·5 million of investment through that programme. The loss of rural development funding is a key issue. I am lobbying hard on behalf of rural communities for the support that they need.

While the delivery of successive EU rural development programmes was a long-standing feature of DAERA's rural policy, the closure of the rural development programme has created the opportunity for my Department to consider its future rural policy remit. On 1 April, I established a new rural policy unit in the Department's rural affairs division, which is tasked with developing future rural policy for Northern Ireland. That will involve engaging with other Departments, councils, public authorities and stakeholders to inform collaborative policy proposals that are mindful of the changed rural landscape and the current and future needs of rural communities.

My Department is committed, in this year's business plan, to developing for consultation a new evidence-based rural policy. Recently, I met officials to discuss the draft rural policy proposals. I am committed to engaging closely with rural stakeholders to provide an opportunity for them to inform future rural policy. My officials will continue to engage with those rural stakeholders. It is my intention that draft proposals will be consulted on early next year.

While rural policy development is being taken forward, we are supporting sustainability and growth in rural communities, both locally and regionally, in a number of ways. We are delivering a number of initiatives under the TRPSI framework, which has been mentioned. I am delighted to have been in the position to allocate £6·1 million to the TRPSI programme from the Department's 2024-25 budget to deliver on initiatives that are outlined in the approved TRPSI action plan. To support voluntary and community sector organisations across Northern Ireland, the current rural community development support service contract provides funding support of £935,000 from the TRPSI programme to six rural support networks.

The rural support network in Mid Ulster, the Cookstown and Western Shores Area Network, works collaboratively with the Community Organisations of South Tyrone and Area (COSTA) network to ensure that support is available to build the capacity of all rural groups in the Mid Ulster District Council area. For that work, the Cookstown and Western Shores Area Network receives £165,000 per annum.

In June, I approved the opening of the rural micro capital grant scheme. That was after many people, including the Member who proposed this Adjournment topic, pushed me to do that. We got that out. It has been very popular. In August, letters of offer were issued to 916 voluntary and community sector organisations, awarding £1·5 million of TRPSI funding. Of the 916 letters of offer that were issued, 202 were issued in the Mid Ulster area, to the value of £343,000, to voluntary and community organisations for the purchase of capital items that will help to address localised poverty or isolation issues. I am pleased to advise that the second call for applications to the scheme opened yesterday. I encourage you all to highlight that amongst your constituents.

Recently, I approved the opening of the rural business development grant scheme. It is too early to provide a breakdown of funds that have been allocated by specific council area, but I anticipate total funding to be in the region of £1·55 million to support the sustainability of rural microbusinesses.

Other regional initiatives, such as the continued funding for the Rural Support charity, which is based in Mid Ulster, the farm families health checks programme in conjunction with the Public Health Agency, and the assisted rural travel scheme in collaboration with the Department for Infrastructure, all positively impact on the lives of people in Mid Ulster.

My Department is undertaking an independent review of the TRPSI framework. That will inform us going forward. In the meantime, a TRPSI action plan for 2025-26 is being prepared for my consideration. When a budget for the next financial year is approved, I will allocate funds accordingly to initiatives that meet the TRPSI framework priority areas for intervention. That takes into account the priorities that have been outlined.

My Department has also been working with DFC and DFI to deliver the COVID recovery small settlements regeneration programme. From the £26·5 million of cross-departmental budget, £3·15 million has been allocated to Mid Ulster. During the 2024-25 year, that funding will deliver seven capital regeneration projects that have been identified by Mid Ulster District Council; a great example of local government determining local priorities. I look forward to attending a celebration event to launch one of those projects tomorrow in Manor Park in Moneymore. Mid Ulster is very much on my mind today, and it will be again tomorrow. That transformation project was successfully completed with funding from the COVID small settlements initiative. The total project cost was £260,000, which included £127,000 from my Department.

Funding policies across my Department have an impact on rural communities and the wider rural economy. Although I do not have time to mention all the funding streams, I do not want to finish without talking about the valuable injection of funding into Mid Ulster. Each year, £26 million of direct payments are made to farmers. Another source of funding is the £25,000 grant for the Mid Ulster and Fermanagh and South Tyrone constituencies under the annual water quality improvement strand of the environment fund. There is also the funding that will come forward in projects under the Mid South West growth deal and investment areas of PEACE PLUS.

There is still more to be done, and I am committed to working collaboratively across government to do more. It is important to note that the policy development work that has been undertaken by my Department is about adopting a strategic and collaborative approach. We need to work together across Departments to deliver for rural communities.

I have some time left, so I will address the issues of inheritance tax and the earmarking of the budget, which a number of Members have raised in the Chamber today, and about which I talked to Patsy yesterday in the corridor. On inheritance tax and the changes to agricultural property relief, I have made it clear — I have been on the record and have been consistent in saying this — that the Budget that was announced on 30 October was a bad Budget for farmers. The decision to change the entitlements to agricultural property relief are causing real concern not just to me but to the farming community and rural communities across Northern Ireland. I have already raised that with the Secretary of State for Northern Ireland and urged a rethink. I support the Ulster Farmers' Union wholeheartedly in its campaign to urge that that decision be reversed. I will attend its rally next Monday night at the Eikon Exhibition Centre in Lisburn. It is important that the UK Government hear about the disproportionate impact that that will have on Northern Ireland. It is having a real impact on the mental health of farmers in Northern Ireland. The UK Government should listen. I am glad that the Secretary of State took up my request to engage with the Ulster Farmers' Union. He will meet the Ulster Farmers' Union next Tuesday. The UK Government need to listen and act.

Westminster has removed the earmarking of funding from the next financial year. We are entering a new landscape. I totally get and fully appreciate the level of angst and concern among the farming community in Northern Ireland about the change. I have already spoken to the Finance Minister, and we have discussed the issue at the Executive. I am making a very strong case that, although the earmarking of funding may have been removed by Westminster, it is within the power of the Executive to earmark funding for agriculture, agri-environment, rural development and fisheries locally. I will continue to make that case. We need to do that together as an Executive. It is important that we set aside that money so that we can support rural communities in Northern Ireland. I look to the future with confidence, because we, as an Executive, can work together and deliver for people.

I thank the Member for securing the Adjournment debate. It has been constructive. It is important that rural communities in Northern Ireland are not forgotten, and that their voices are heard.

Mr Deputy Speaker (Mr Blair): Minister, thank you for that response.